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THE GRAFTON HISTORICAL SERIES 
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THE GRAFTON PRESS 

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EARLY RHODE ISLAND 



A SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE PEOPLE 



WILLIAM B. WEEDEN, A. M. 

\\ 

Author of " Economic and Social History of New England," 
"War Government, Federal and State," etc. 

















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THE GRAFTON PRESS 

PUBLISHERS NEW YORK 






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Copyright, 1910 
By THE GRAFTON PRESS 



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©CLA278] 



CONTENTS 

CHAPTER PAGE 

I. Foundations of Rhode Island, 1636 ... 1 

II. Planting in Providence, 1636-1647 ... 28 

III. The Island, 1638-1663 45 

IV. The Colony and the Town of Providence, 

1648-1710 73 

V. King's County, the Patriarchal Condition, 

1641-1757 133 

VI. Period Under Charter of Charles II., 1663- 

1730 174 

VII. The Commercial Growth of Providence, 1711- 

1762 193 

VIII. Newport in the Eighteenth Century, 1700- 

1776 265 

IX. The South County, 1758-1787 279 

X. Revolutionary Period, 1763-1785 . . . .316 

XI. The Union, 1786-1790 353 

Index 363 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

Mowry Tavern, where Williams Held Meetings. 

Built about 1653 Frontispiece 

FACIXG PAGE 

Rhode Island's Magna Charta. Here occur the words, 

" Only in Civil Things " 30 

The Bull House, Newport. Built about 1640 . . 58 

Coddington's House at Newport, about 1650 ... 64 

Copy of the Record Signed by Roger Williams in His 

Only Service as Town Clerk 92 

Caesar House. Type of the Houses Built in the Latter 

Part of the Seventeenth Century . . .120 

Residence of Dean Berkeley, Middletown (Near New- 
port, R. I.). Built in 1730 268 

University Hall and Hope College in 1825 . . . 334 



FOREWORD 

MUCH has been written concerning the disputes be- 
tween Massachusetts and Rhode Island. The 
character of the technical rights of Roger Williams in 
the Bay, and whether such a seditious outcast could have 
rights, created volumes of discussion. These questions 
have lost interest in the new perspective of the twentieth 
century. 

Mr. Richman, inspired by Bryce, and coming from 
the great West, set forth the world-spirit of Roger Wil- 
liams. Moreover, he brought forward Jellinek's testimony 
to the world-wide importance of our Magna Charta 
" only in civil things," which he terms the first " unre- 
stricted liberty of religious conviction." In the recent 
celebration of the memory of Calvin at Geneva, Professor 
Borgeaud, of the University, said : " We had above all 
to call up the vision of an American idea. . . . That 
part which is not sufficiently known in the Old World is 
magnificent. The man to whom it is due is Roger Wil- 
liams." In his " Modern Democracy," he said long ago 
that the acceptance of the Rhode Island charter in 1647 
was the " first great date in the history of modern 
democracy." 

The solid work of Arnold sufficiently treated the polit- 
ico-theological principles of our State, and Brigham 
brought up the history to our day. I have freely used 
his authorities. 

In these pages, I have studied to find out how the out- 
casts lived. Isolated without church or school, with 
few men educated by system, how did the exiles in this 



x Foreword 

narrow territory build up a new civilization, sufficient 
to attract the notice of Europe two centuries later? Lib- 
erty of the soul based on law formed a new citizen, freed 
from feudal restraint and ecclesiastical heredity. Charles 
II. gave Williams and John Clarke for their " lively expe- 
riment " a new standing place, from which to overcome 
the world. 

Information is meager concerning the early ways of 
living in the society developed on Narragansett Bay ; 
but enough exists to enlighten the story, as heretofore 
told, of theological controversies and political evolution. 
The old records both in print and in manuscript yield 
much that is significant of the thought and action of 
these striving citizens. One of the rare and very valu- 
able collections of papers, descended from Nicholas Brown 
& Co., is now in the John Carter Brown library. It 
yielded much for our use, as shown herein. I have 
grubbed considerably in the inventories ; for whether im- 
portant or not, they are certainly true. 

Let us try to comprehend the social life of our fore- 
fathers ! 

W. B. W. 

Providence, R. I., January 1, 1910. 



EARLY RHODE ISLAND 



EARLY RHODE ISLAND 

CHAPTER I 

FOUNDATIONS OF RHODE ISLAND. 1636. 

THE long controversy between advocates of Massa- 
chusetts and of Rhode Island is losing interest by 
reason of the change evolved in the relative importance 
of the issues. The principles of Roger Williams have 
become so much more weighty, while the world has been 
advancing three centuries in a political development not 
much affected by governmental control of religion that 
the details of his disputes with Massachusetts Bay are of 
less account. However the technical rights of the dispu- 
tants may be made out, the fact remains that Williams 
was banished from his political home and deprived of 
his spiritual privileges. 

Massachusetts made an absolute theocracy. 

Connecticut made a limited theocracy, which conducted 
a much better developed and more orderly Puritan sys- 
tem of living than prevailed in Massachusetts. 

Rhode Island constituted a limited democracy freed 
from theocratic control. 

These are the great historic landmarks ; to ascertain 
and to mark out this development in the events of the 
time is the true historic question. To appreciate the 
changes of sentiment concerning these great functions of 
government, let us compare the present conception of 

i Century Dictionary defines toleration to be " the recognition of 
private judgment; in the matter of faith and worship. . . . The 



2 Foundations of Rhode Island 

" toleration " with the idea held in New England in the 
days of Williams. 

Thomas Shepard in 1645 knew what was wanted among 
his brethren and his deep emotion revealed itself as he 
named his discourse " Lamentations." He says " to cut 
off the hand of the magistrate from touching men for their 
consciences (a boundless toleration of all Religions, Hub- 
bard, 1676) will certainly in time (if it get ground) be 
the utter overthrow, as it is the undermining of the Refor- 
mation begun. This opinion is but one of the fortresses 
and strongholds of Sathan." 2 

" Touching the conscience," that is the root of the 
theocratic system, which separated Williams and his fol- 
lowers from the government founded on it. However 
great and splendid the organization of the state, man 
was born first. Roger Williams saw, not only thought, 
but saw with inward vision that man should look through 
organized government directly, to the author and ruler 
of his being — to God. 

Toleration was the main doctrine, but the same habit 
of mind and view of practical government ran through 

effective recognition by the state of the right which every person 
has to enjoy the benefit of all the laws and of all social privileges 
without regard to difference of religion." The high-minded Paley 
about 1800 had not quite risen to this elevation. " Toleration is of 
two kinds ; the allowing to dissenters the unmolested profession and 
exercise of their religion, but with an exclusion from offices of trust 
emolument in the state, which is a partial toleration, and the admit- 
ting them without distinction to all the civil privileges and capacities 
of other citizens, which is a complete toleration." Morley gives the 
present conception of this historic term in treating Cromwell (Cen- 
tury Mag., LIX. 575) " Toleration has become a standard common- 
place, springing often from indifference, often from languor, some- 
times from skepticism, but rooted among men of understanding in 
the perception that the security for a living conscience is freedom, 
not authority." 

2 Cited C. F. Adams, " Massachusetts Historians," p. 16. 



1636] Only in Civil Things 3 

the consciousness of the average Puritan. The Durfees, 
father and son, true descendants of Rhode Island, com- 
prehended the large differences between Massachusetts 
Bay and the outcast colony on Narragansett Bay. Job 
Durfee said the Puritan understanding "was not the 
freedom of the individual mind from the domination of 
the spiritual order, but merely the freedom of their par- 
ticular church; and just as the English government had 
thrown off the tyranny of the Pope, to establish the 
tyranny of the bishops, they threw off the tyranny of the 
bishops to establish the tyranny of the brethren." 3 

Thomas Durfee 4 denned that soul-liberty was not 
secured by grant, but by limitation, being " the constitu- 
tional declaration of the right in its widest meaning, cov- 
ering not only freedom of faith and worship, but also 
freedom of thought and speech in every legitimate form. 
The right has never been expressed with more complete- 
ness. ' Only in civil things ' was no lucky hit, but the 
mature fruit of life and experience." 

It is well to seek for the birth of " civil things " the 
assured conception of the " limitation," as Judge Durfee 
expresses it. Early in 1637 Williams writes 5 Governor 
Winthrop, " the frequent experience of your loving ear, 
ready and open toward me (in what your conscience per- 
mitted) as also of that excellent spirit of wisdom and pru- 
dence wherewith the Father of Lights hath endued you, 
embolden me to request a word of private advise." There 
was a broad difference at this moment in Williams' mind 
between masters of families and proprietors deriving from 
Williams purchaser from the Sachems, and seller of the 
land to his companions ; and " those few young men " 

3 Cited Straus. " Roger Williams," p. 43. 

4 Historical Discourses, 1886. 
s Narragansett Club, VI., 3. 



4 Foundations of Rhode Island 

who were coming in to be admitted as residents and citi- 
zens. He was contemplating in this letter two subscrip- 
tions : the first for the proprietors, and it was somewhat 
elaborate, for " late inhabitants of the Massachusetts 
(upon occasion of some differences of conscience) being 
permitted to depart from the limits of that Patent." 
The other subscription for the young men and others, 
was in substance the compact afterwards adopted, ex- 
cept that it does not reach the apothegm, " only in civil 
things." 

Showing that he had not begun to consider (he never 
did enter into and fully comprehend) the difference be- 
tween a patriarchal bargain or proprietor's sale and a 
political solution which might embrace a world-state, he 
asks, " whether I may not lawfully desire this of my neigh- 
bors, that as I freely subject myself to common consent, 
and shall not bring in any person into the town without 
their consent ; so also that against my consent no person 
be violently brought in and received." All these medita- 
tions and queries he had not suggested to his neighbors, 
but waited until he " can see cause upon your loving coun- 
sel." 

In May of this year he wrote Winthrop 6 again, " not- 
withstanding our differences concerning the worship of 
God and the ordinances ministered by Antichrist's power, 
you have been always pleased lovingly to answer my bold- 
ness in civil things." He aslcs what he shall answer to 
" one unruly person " who has proposed often in town 
meeting, " for a better government than the country hath 
yet, and let's not to particularize by a general Governor, 
etc." 

These debates and doubts were solved on the 20th of 
August. The " second comers " by political action put 

e Narrangansett Club, VI, p. 23. 



1636] Unrestricted Liberty Established 5 

into definite shape the simplest possible form of govern- 
ment 7 " only in civil things." 8 

Years ago Mr. Straus brought forward the statement 9 
of the eminent Gervinus in 1853, showing that Roger 
Williams has established a " small new society " based 
on " entire liberty of conscience and the uncontrolled 
power of the majority in secular affairs. The ' theories ' 
of Europe were here brought into practice." It was freely 
prophesied that these democratic movements would soon 
end themselves. But the institutions have not only main- 
tained themselves, but have " spread over the whole 
union." They have given laws to one-quarter of the 
globe, and " they stand in the background of every demo- 
cratic struggle in Europe." 

Mr. Richman called attention to Dr. Borgeaud, of the 
Faculty of Law in Geneva, a more recent authority in this 
domain of history. His view of Roger Williams is that 
his " mind was at once enthusiastic and systematic ; he 
was a theologian who had been brought up by a law- 
yer." 10 The disciple of Coke, an Anglican lawyer, took 
on the beliefs of Brown, 11 the separatist theologian. Wil- 
liams pushed these views further, even to the complete 
separation of civil and religious matters, and to an abso- 
lute democracy. In Rhode Island his community after- 
ward became the " Kernel of a State." It accepted the 
charter granted by Parliamentary England. Citing from 

7 " But ' only in civil things,' — religion was to be in no way a 
subject of legislation. Here for the first time was recognized the 
most unrestricted liberty of religious conviction, and that by a man 
who was himself glowing with religious feeling." — Jellinek: " Rights 
of Man and of Citizens," p. 66. 

* Infra, p. 31. 

9 Straus, " Roger Williams," p. 234. 

io Borgeaud, " Modern Democracy," p. 156. 

ii Cf. Carpenter, " Roger Williams," p. xix. 



6 Foundations of Rhode Island 

the records of the acceptance, Borgeaud says, " these texts 
bear date 1647. If we compare them with what was tak- 
ing place in Europe during this memorable year, we shall 
be ready to allow that this is the first great date in the 
history of modem democracy." 12 

When Williams was in London 13 procuring this char- 
ter, he was associated with Milton, Vane, and especially 
with the great revolutionist, Cromwell. He kept up his 
personal and friendly relations with him. 

We are not to assume that Rhode Island was the sole 
source of democracy in New England. It simply carried 
the European movement — through the inspiration of Wil- 
liams — to its highest end and legitimate outcome in prac- 
tical political government. Connecticut and Massachu- 
setts were one to two centuries in arriving at equivalent 
results. The imagination can hardly set forth what 
might have been, if Massachusetts had grasped her whole 
opportunity in the seventeenth century. 14 

Rorgeaud says, " if we trace the origin of American 
democracy among the charters and constitutions of the 
New England States, we find a startling proof of the 
close connection, which we must recognize between the two 
great movements (Reformation and Democracy) of mod- 
ern thought." 15 Again he defines the influence of Cal- 

12 Cf. " Modern Democracy," p. 161. 

13 Mr. Albert Mathews calls attention to Sir Thomas Urquhart's 
expression of his obligations to Roger Williams for interceding in 
his behalf with the " most special members both of the Parliament 
and Council of State." ..." He did approve himself a man 
of such discretion and inimitably sanctified parts that an Archangel 
from heaven could not have shewn more goodness and less osten- 
tation."— Urquhart: " Works," pp. 408, 409. Ed. 1834. 

l* Witness Doyle: "The colony was only saved from mental 
atrophy by its vigorous political life." — " Puritan Colonies," I., p. 
187. 

i» " Modern Democracy," p. 10. 



1636] Freedom of Thought and Speech 7 

vin, " Presbyterianism is Calvinism tempered by aristo- 
cratic tendencies of Calvin. Independency, or as first 
called, Congregationalism, is Calvinism without Calvin." 16 

The German, Jellinek, sets forth the germinal idea 
inhering in the final principles of our community. It in- 
terests us, as being essentially the same as that pro- 
pounded earlier by our own citizen, Thomas Durfee. As 
we cited from Durfee, it was " not only freedom of faith 
and worship, but also freedom of thought and speech in 
every legitimate form." Jellinek says the Americans 
gradually acquired a constitutional recognition of the 
principle that " there exists a right not conferred upon 
the citizen, but inherent in man, that acts of conscience 
and expressions of religious convictions stand inviolable 
over against the state as the exercise of a higher 
right." 17 

Probably all will agree that however great and mag- 
nificent the organization of the state may be, that man 
is yet greater. The state, through Magna Charta and 
other great political monuments, has brought down the 
statutes of freedom. But freedom of conscience was not 
enacted by statute, it was the fruit of the Gospel. The 
inherent and sacred right of the individual as established 
legally was not the work of any revolution in Europe. 
" Its first apostle was not Lafayette, but Roger Wil- 
liams, who, driven by powerful and deep religious enthu- 
siasm, went into the wilderness in order to found a govern- 
ment of religious liberty." 18 

is Prof. H. L. Osgood in Pol. Sc. Quarterly virtually agrees with 
Borgeaud, " Calvinism in spite of the aristocratic character, which 
it temporarily assumed meant democracy in Church government. 
It meant more, for its aim was to make society in all its parts 
conform to a religious ideal." 

it Jellinek, " Rights of Man and of Citizens," p. 74. 

is Ibid, p. 77. 



8 Foundations of Rhode Island 

It was not holiday work in the plantations on Narra- 
gansett Bay, as the following pages will make manifest. 
The German philosopher states, " to recognize the true 
boundaries between the individual and the community is 
the highest problem that thoughtful consideration of 
human society has to solve." 19 That this people kept 
unimpaired the precious " kernel of a state," as the Gene- 
van doctor terms it, through all the turmoil was a marvel 
of the moment and a permanent boon to mankind. 

This seething democracy of Providence, which impresses 
European scholars so forcibly, was established in the mid- 
dle seventeenth century, and was nourished by the infor- 
mal parliament in almost constant session at John Smith's 
mill, 20 as well as in irregular conferences that were ante- 
chambers of the town meetings. In these disputations and 
debates, the public business was threshed out, before for- 
mal political action was instituted. Like many incipient 
communities in history, this democratic government might 
have come to naught, had it not been anchored to the 
state and fastened to the crown by the charter of Charles 
II. There is a divinity doth hedge a king, which pre- 
vailed in those days. This was plainly apparent to Roger 
Williams. We are obliged to criticise him often for his 
communistic vagaries and his inconsistent ways in mere 
statecraft. But he was well-grounded in the great prin- 
ciples of authority underlying all practicable government. 
In 1654-5 there was a party pushing soul-liberty and 
the power of the individual toward anarchy. A paper was 
sent to the town asserting that " it was blood-guiltiness, 
and against the rule of the Gospel, to execute judgment 
upon transgressors against the private or public weal." 

Williams wrote to the town a masterly letter, defining 

is Jellinek, " Rights of Man and of Citizens," p. 99. 
20 Infra, p. 42. 



1636] Government Not Anarchy 9 

individual liberty and the limits of governing power in 
the state. " There goes many a ship to sea, with many 
hundred souls in one ship, whose weal and woe is common, 
and is a true picture of a commonwealth, or a human 
combination, or society. Both Papists and Protestants, 
Jews and Turks, may be embarked in one ship. 
I never denied that, notwithstanding their liberty of con- 
science, the commander of this ship ought to command 
the ship's course, yea, and also to command that justice, 
peace, and sobriety, be kept and practiced, both among the 
seamen and all the passengers. ... If any shall 
mutiny, and rise up against their commanders and officers ; 
if any should preach or write that there ought to be no 
commanders because all are equal in Christ, I never denied, 
but in such cases, whatever is pretended, the commander 
or commanders may judge, resist, compel, and punish 
such transgressors." 21 

In a noble letter to Major Mason, of Connecticut, June 
22, 1670, 22 Williams sets forth his own story with an 
account of his sufferings in settling the plantation. And 
he pictures in most graphic style the truly great concerns 
of citizens, in particular his consciousness of the high 
mission of himself and his fellows. " To mind not our 
own, but every man the things of another; yea, and to 
suffer wrong, and part with what we judge is right, yea, 
our lives and (as poor women martyrs have said) as many 
as there be hairs upon our heads, for the name of God 
and the son of God his sake. This is humanity, yea, this 
is Christianity. . . . The matter with us is not about 
these children's toys of land, meadows, cattle, government, 
etc. But here all over this colony a great number of weak 
and distressed souls, scattered, are flying hither from Old 

2i Ibid, Nargt. CI., VI., 278. 

22 VI., " Narragansett Club," 344. 



10 Foundations of Rhode Island 

and New England, the most High and Only Wise hath, in 
His infinite wisdom, provided this country and this corner 
as a shelter for the poor and persecuted, according to their 
several persuasions." 

Mr. Richman considers Williams' system to have been 
religious in his own view, but not so according to the 
prevailing opinions of the time. He prefers to class his 
opinions as " ethico-political." 23 We are to remember 
in placing a principle and in making categories that, 
nearly three centuries of progress — which the opinions of 
Williams and those like him have greatly affected — have 
passed since these colonies were struggling to begin politi- 
cal life. Some plain facts of the case have been neglected, 
both by the persecutors of Williams and by his advocates. 
Reformers must offend against the established order, by 
which and in winch they are conditioned. The radical 
must go to the root of existing things, or he cannot grasp 
or even touch the evil he would combat. 

Williams struck at the foundations of the Puritan 
church, and the social system carried with it. It was 
absolutely necessary that individuals should revolt against 
the old before a starting point for new life could be 
attained. Williams was literally a voice crying in the 
wilderness — so far as a representative of the individual 
soul was concerned. To him, his idea, his daimon was 
the simplest principle possible — and two and a half cen- 
turies of progress have proved that he was right. To 
them, this simplicity was complex beyond measure, and 
destructive of established order. 

Greece, Rome, Teutonic mark and meeting penetrated 
by Hebrew insight, political England, are engraved deep 
in the lines of our heredity But it is in the enlarging 
growth of the modern mind after the Reformation that 

23 Richman, " R. I., Its Making," I., 22. 



1636] Soul-Liberty Bred New Men 11 

Rhode Island has an especial place in history, as my 
citations from European scholars have shown. As Roger 
Williams led in soul-liberty, so with his fellows he devel- 
oped a community, a possible state, giving superiority 
to the individual man — practical democracy in short. 
Rough in poverty, rude in education, these pioneers kept 
their individual entity springing from Williams, Harris, 
Gorton, Coddington, and Clarke, as the following pages 
will show ; which individual spirit finally pervaded and 
flavored the peoples roundabout. The most stormy 
town meeting, the boldest privateer, the stoutest Revolu- 
tionary soldier, the most adventurous merchant, carried 
forward this principle of expanding growth, proceeding 
from Williams' discovery and the struggle of pioneers 
for political life. A soul freed from ecclesiastical oppres- 
sion and the bonds of expiring feudalism, must possess 
at last material things. Progress was slow in attaining 
such wealth and culture as the surrounding colonies inher- 
ited passively. But through every political and social 
movement a discerning eye can trace the individual man 
forming a larger community of individuals ; thus lifting 
his own life and social opportunity into a freer atmos- 
phere. If this were not so, how could the little state 
acquire wealth relatively equal to the most favored quar- 
ters of the Union. How else could a modern republican 
state be formed on accidental charters of the common- 
wealth and of Charles II. ; which latter charter should es- 
sentially outlast two centuries, unchanged. 

Wherever we turn in the record of the past, signs of 
representative government appear, as a great controlling 
principle seeking expression as history opens out. Japa- 
nese scholars claim that this is not confined to. Anglo- 
Saxon nor even to Aryan nations ; but prevails East and 
West. " I believe that the seed of representative govern- 



12 Foundations of Rhode Island 

ment is implanted in the very nature of human society 
and of the human mind." 2i 

So far as our own part of the large question is con- 
cerned, let us look into the course of affairs in Massachu- 
setts and Connecticut, to learn by contrast the true 
essence and the essential characteristics of our own insti- 
tutions here in Rhode Island. 

The colony of Massachusetts existed for fifty-five years 
under a royal charter granted to the " Governor and 
Company of the Massachusetts Bay in England." The 
charter empowered the freemen of the Company forever 
to elect from their own number, a Governor, Deputy- 
Governor, and eighteen Assistants, and to make laws " not 
repugnant to the laws of England." The executive, not 
including the assistants, was authorized, but not required, 
to administer to freemen the oaths of supremacy and 
allegiance. 

Winthrop, the Governor, with Deputy-Governor and As- 
sistants, had been chosen in England. There were some pre- 
liminary meetings at Salem, but the first American Court 
of Assistants was convened at Boston, August 23, 1630. 
Some one hundred and eighteen persons gave notice at 
this Court asking admission as freemen. There were eight 
plantations or towns that participated in this assembly. 
The Court voted that Assistants only should be chosen by 
the Company at large, and that the Assistants with the 
Governor and Deputy-Governor, elected from themselves, 
should have the power of "making laws and choosing offi- 
cers to execute the same." This movement, erratic in a dem- 
ocratic government, lasted only about two years. May 9, 
1632, the freemen resumed the right of election, limiting 
the choice of Governor to one of the existing Assistants. 

£4 Iyenaga, " Constitutional Development of Japan," J. H. U., 
IX., 20. 



1636] Early Massachusetts 13 

These issues are interesting as revealing the tides of pub- 
lic sentiment for more or less aristocratic restriction in 
the process of government. 

In 1634 there were about three hundred and fifty free- 
men, more than two-thirds of whom, according to Pal- 
frey, had been admitted since the establishment of the 
religious test, some three years previous. It was " ordered 
and agreed that, for the time to come, no man shall be 
admitted to the freedom of this body politic, but such 
as are members of some of the churches within the limits 
of the same." 25 As Borgeaud 26 remarks, " by law the 
civic government was distinct from the ecclesiastical, but 
in fact was strictly subordinate. The pastors and elders 
spoke in the name of the Divine Will revealed in the Bible." 
Compare the opinion after more than three-score years' 
experience of a sufficiently orthodox interpreter, Cotton 
Mather, 27 given below. 

A curious side-light is thrown on the working of democ- 
racy in New England, by the aberrations of the freemen 
in creating and abolishing a " Standing Council for life." 
It was a new order of magistrates not contemplated by 
the charter, constituted March 3, 1636. Winthrop, Dud- 
ley, and Endicott only were appointed under this author- 
ity " for term of their lives, as a standing council, not to 
be removed but upon due conviction of crime, insufficiency, 
or for some weighty cause, the Governor for the time 
being to be always President of this Council and to have 
such further power out of Court as the General Court 

25 « Mass. Col. Rec," I., 87. 

26 " Democracy in Old and New England," p. 148. 

■27 " The civil magistrate should put forth his coercive power, as 
the matter shall require, in case a church become schismatical, or 
walke incorrigibly or obstinately in any corrupt way of their own, 
contrary to the rule of the Word." — " Magnalia," Book V., 
Part II. 



14 Foundations of Rhode Island 

shall from time to time endue them withal." 2S It was 
claimed that this movement proceeded from Cotton, who 
derived his inspiration from Lord Sayand Sele. 29 The 
act lasted only two years, and Mr. Savage 30 claimed that 
this institution was the only example of a political election 
for life in our country. It was a bone of contention 
until 164-2. The extraordinary tenacity of this socio- 
political barnacle shows that Cotton, not to speak of 
Winthrop, did not easily give up the hope of bringing 
some of the ragged offshoots of feudalism across the 
Atlantic, to be planted in the soil of the new Puritanism. 
Winthrop treats the affair earnestly, though patiently. 
His caustic sagacity in construing popular characteristics 
speaks forth in the following general consideration. " And 
here may be observed how strictly the people would seem 
to stick to their patent, when they think it makes for 
their advantage, but are content to decline it where it 
will not warrant such liberties as they have taken up with- 
out warrant from thence, as appears in their strife for 
three deputies," etc. 31 

These are small matters, but they were beginnings of 
popular government and they indicate one set of condi- 
tions which hampered Roger Williams in any search after 
soul-liberty. Puritans like Winthrop and Dudley were 
not only church-bound, they were so wrapped in the 
panoply of a feudal aristocracy that they could not con- 

28 " Mass Col. Rec," I., pp. 16T, 168, 178. 

29 " Palfrey," I., 442. 

so He was completely honest and judicious in interpreting history. 
Rufus Choate had humor and was examining Savage once, in 
some casual matter, wherein he treated the witness most courteously. 
Then in a stage whisper, delighting the hearers, he said, " Now I 
have him under oath, I would like to ask him why he hates Cotton 
Mather so thoroughly." 

si " Winthrop, N. E.," I., 303. 



1636] Development of Massachusetts 15 

ceive of freedom — whether ecclesiastical or political — in 
any modern sense. 

In 16*3 the Magistrates and Deputies established 
bicameral legislation, the great modem improvement 
adopted by all the colonies and by the Union of the 
States. ' As Winthrop states, " there fell out a great 
business upon a very small occasion." Mrs. Sherman's sow, 
or her claim for one, became the occasion of a suit against 
Captain Keayne. The suit went through the inferior 
courts, and coming into the General Court set Magistrates 
and Deputies at variance, and in a most unseemly way. 
Sympathy for the poor woman against a rich man affected 
the more popular representatives — the deputies — and jeal- 
ousy between the two classes of legislators or judges con- 
fused the whole matter. The judicious saw that oppor- 
tunity for such disputes must be stopped, and henceforth 
the two houses held their sessions " apart by themselves." 
Moreover, according to the Governor, " this order deter- 
mined the great contention about the negative voice." 

Without doubt the simple trading corporation, while 
making plantations, put forth more essential powers than 
was ever intended in England; whether in controlling the 
souls of men, or in extending the ground-work of a state. 
But such was inevitable. A corporation puts forth suckers 
of sovereignty, and these branch out into more and more 
power, as contingent life forces the issues. 

Mr. Charles Francis Adams sums up his conclusions, 
" the organization of the Massachusetts colony was dis- 
tinctly and indisputably legal, commercial and corporate ; 
and not religious, ecclesiastical or feudal." 32 In this he 
is supported by Professor Parker and Judge Chamberlain 
and by Doyle in his Puritan Colonies. Others have viewed 
the matter differently, and much learning has been devoted 
32 Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, VII., pp. 196, 205. 



16 Foundations of Rhode Island 

to this historic question. We may be content with the 
poetic rendering and rare insight of James Russell Lowell, 
as he interprets the founding of Massachusetts Bay 
through " the divine principle of Authority based on the 
common interest and common consent." 

A definition of an ordinary charter prevailing in the 
seventeenth century runs thus : The owner does what he 
will with his cattle " only by virtue of a grant and charter 
from both his and their maker." A royal charter, based 
on land and the feudal tendencies then inhering in land, 
conveys legal and commercial privileges ; but in the hands 
of an active, intelligent body of freemen, it conveys much 
more. The Frenchman De Castine says " a charter can- 
not create liberty; it verifies it." No words could more 
clearly explain the legitimate course of the chartered col- 
onies of New England. 

It has been customary to treat Massachusetts Bay as 
the headquarters and general source of Puritanism in New 
England. But Connecticut was a better example in ap- 
plying the principles of the Puritans to every-day living; 
it was more advanced, and, so to speak, more civilized in 
the application. This was not by chance, but by natural 
political evolution. The Connecticut men fully believed 
in theocracy ; in a state governed by the immediate direc- 
tion of God; yet this principle was to be in some degree 
regulated by the action of the people, and not absolutely 
controlled by the " inspiration " of certain pastors and 
elders of the church rendering the will of God. 

Let us examine the beginnings of government in this 
colony. Hooker's migration from the Bay had occurred 
in 1636. A commission issued from the General Court 
of Massachusetts, March 3, 1636, to eight of the persons 
who " had resolved to transplant themselves and their 
estates unto the River of Connecticut." This commission 



1636] Connecticut Best Puritan Example 17 

was plainly limited, in that it took " rise from the desier 
of the people whoe removed, whoe judged it in Convenience 
to goe away without any frame of Government, not from 
any clame of the Massachusetts Jurisdiction ower them by 
virtew of Patent." 33 

This was manifestly a semi-political and not a corporate 
and commercial evolution of power. The forthcoming 
Yankees were careful to take to themselves only one side 
of the obligation ; to profit by receiving the attributes of 
power, without rendering any allegiance in return. But 
they took a political prerogative, not a commercial privi- 
lege ; a function of government and not a function of trade. 
Just as the colony of Massachusetts, based on territorial 
grants with trading privileges from the British Crown, 
made war and peace or coined money if necessary, so it 
put out a sucker of practical sovereignty which rooted in 
the Connecticut valley. 

The planters met January 14, 1638-9, and adopted the 
" eleven fundamental orders," 34 by which the colony was 
substantially governed until the year 1818, though it 
obtained legitimate authority by charter from the British 
Crown, as we shall see later on. This is an early record 
of a " frame of government." The men of Connecticut 
claim it to be the first written constitution in history. 

The germ of constitutional government in Connecticut, 
whether it was by a formal constitution or otherwise, is 
justly considered by investigators to have been in a sermon 
of Thomas Hooker preached before the General Court in 
May, 1638, viz., " The foundation of authority is laid, 
firstly, in the free consent of the people, — The choice of 
public magistrates belongs unto the people by God's own 
allowance, — They who have power to appoint officers and 

33 Cited Trumbull, " Constitutions of Connecticut," p. 1. 

34 Baldwin, " Constitutions," p. 180. 



18 Foundations of Rhode Island 

magistrates, it is in their power also, to set the bounds 
and limitations of the power and place into which they 
call them." 35 

These views, as has been stated indirectly, were advanced 
to a higher ground than that held by the rulers of Massa- 
chusetts Bay. They were still entangled in those jun- 
gles of sovereignty — where church members only adminis- 
tered the state — jungles which easily put forth essential 
tyranny. The Connecticut men found it better to get 
out and move on. As above stated, it was not chance, but 
political sagacity which precipitated the issue. We should 
study Hooker's Survey of Church Discipline, 36 published 
after his death in 1648. As cited below, we find a dim 
recognition of the absolute difference in administration of 
spiritual and temporal things ; and this perception of 
Hooker's brought about important results in Connecticut. 
It is true, the freemen were practically church members, 
but pastor or elder could not go into town meeting and 
cry out in form or substance " thus saith the Lord " after 
such teaching as Hooker gave them. 

Hooker was thoroughly Puritan, and believed in theo- 
cratic ascendancy. Yet though he might be loyal to the 
dictates of conscience, he perceived that the will of the 

35 Col Conn, Hist. Soc, I., 20. 

36 At page 4 we read, " Men sustain a double relation. As mem- 
bers of the Commonwealth, they have civil weapons, and in a civil 
way of righteousness, they may and should use them. But as mem- 
bers of a Church their weapons are spiritual, and the work is 
spiritual, the censures of the Church are spiritual, and reach the 
souls and consciences of men." He did not hold and is careful 
at page 14 to guard himself from religious toleration. In the 
passage he farther elaborates the idea of separation. " No civil 
rule can properly convey over an Ecclesiastical right. The rules 
are in specie distinct, and their works and ends also, and therefore 
cannot be confounded. . . . But the taking up an abode or 
dwelling in such a place is by the rule of policy and civility. Ergo 
this can give him no Ecclesiastical right to Church fellowship." 



1636] Hooker Moulds Connecticut 19 

citizen and his political action, whether as ruler, judge, 
or constable, must be firmly set within the " bounds and 
limitations " of power constituted in a legitimate way. 
This is of the essence of constitution-making. 

If we adopt the large historic view of Bancroft in re- 
garding the Puritan, these beginnings of government in 
Connecticut are worthy of constant notice. He says, 
though the superficial may sneer at their extemporaneous 
prayers and other formalities, if we look to the genius of 
the sect itself, " Puritanism was religion struggling for 
the people." Great England — freed in parts— absolutely 
persecuted Nonconformists, until the repeal of the penal 
statutes in 1690; driving two thousand ministers out of 
their livings in 1662. Even after that repeal some stat- 
utes had to be " liberally interpreted " through the nine- 
teenth century to give Nonconformists practical religious 
and political liberty. Puritans might live, as it were, in 
a detached and drained receiver, but the atmosphere 
around was not free. Occasionally now an unscrupulous 
politician sneers at the " nonconforming conscience." A 
disinterested critic might remark that, it may prove to 
be quite as important in England's future as the betting- 
book or tennis-racket. As Emerson remarked, it would 
be well to stop the people from doing many things, before 
stopping their praying. 

•On the other hand, Puritanism proscribed in England 
was virtually established in Massachusetts, where it 
blocked religious liberty until well into the nineteenth 
century. 

The development of Connecticut was not toward liberty 
of conscience, but along the lines of a modified theocracy. 
By a series of legislative acts in 1697, 1699, 1708, 37 the 
colony riveted an ecclesiastical system firmly on the necks 

37 "Col. Rec. Conn.," IV., 198, 316; V., 87. 



20 Foundations of Rhode Island 

of all citizens. The act of 1708 was very positive, ap- 
proving " the confession of faith, heads of agreement and 
regulations in the administration of discipline agreed to 
by the synod at Saybrook and enacting that all churches 
thus united in doctrine, worship, and discipline, should be 
owned and acknowledged established by law." 3S Political 
government might proceed without interference from 
church or clergy, as Hooker had laid down. But the 
conscience of the individual must be held by the church. 
Provision was made " for the ease of such as soberly dis- 
sent from the way of worship and ministry established." 
But however the dissenter might think, he must 39 pay as 
ordinary citizens did and could not be excused " from 
paying any such minister or town dues, as are now or shall 
be hereafter due." 40 

After much discussion of these questions in the agita- 
tion for the constitution which replaced the charter in 
1818; these restrictions were swept away and religion was 
left entirely to voluntary support. With all his powerful 
eloquence, Dr. Lyman Beecher preached against this, de- 
claring " it would open the floodgates of ruin on the 
state." Connecticut writers have called this condition of 
things " complete religious liberty." Their conception of 
liberty within the bounds of Connecticut assumed in naive 
manner that this was equivalent to liberty everywhere. 
Their society being homogeneous and sufficient unto itself, 
liberty of opinion elsewhere did not enter into consider- 
ation. This quietism is finely expressed in the words of 
one of her ablest sons, Leonard Bacon, uttered in 1859. 
He claimed that Episcopal, Baptist and Methodist 
churches formed there were of the Connecticut sort, and 

38 Trumbull, " Historical Notes," p. 30. 

3» Ibid. 

40 Bacon, " Historical Discourse," p. 70. 



1636] Roger Williams an American Torch 21 

" is there no meaning in the fact that not one of our 
churches, and only one of our parishes fell in the Unita- 
rian defection? " 41 

The excellent political system of Connecticut created 
a thriving and contented community under the charter, as 
well as under the constitution. Perhaps no people in the 
world were more happy. But such closed circuits and 
local districts of universal truth could not survive the 
free communication and exchange of thought prevailing 
in modern times. The " land of steady habits," like 
other parts of the United States, has become free in 
thought and the open ground of liberty of conscience. 

It is fair to observe that Thomas Hooker was the 
greater statesman, while Roger Williams was the greater 
prophet. Hooker brought a candle into state manage- 
ment that lighted a community through peaceful life for 
one or two centuries. Roger Williams kindled a flaming 
torch 42 in the fire of truth, which burned through the 
fierce democratic disputes and town-contentions of the 
plantations until its serene beams are now shed abroad 
through the civilized world. 

If we revert to the main colony, the home of Pilgrims 
and Puritans, the early political aspirations of Massachu- 
setts can be hardly separated from the strong theocratic 
tendency which moved her in applying a religious test 
to practical government. There are not only the promi- 

4i Rhode Island was moving in the opposite direction. In 1716 
an act was passed preventing churches from using " the civil power 
for the enforcing a maintenance for their respective ministers." 
Support " may be raised by a free contribution and no other way." — 
"Arnold," II., 58. 

4 2 In the words of Doctor King " he became not only an orthodox 
Puritan, as Mr. Bryce calls him, but an intense logically consistent 
ultra-orthodox, radical Puritan, outstripping his human teachers, a 
Pilgrim of the Pilgrims."—" The True Roger Williams," p. 11. 



22 Foundations of Rhode Island 

nent proceedings like the banishment of Williams and 
the Antinomians, the expulsion of Baptists and Quakers, 
but other incidents, which show a constant adminis- 
tration of affairs on the narrow lines held by the In- 
dependent Congregational churches. In 1629, Endicott 
sent out John and Samuel Browne, because they insisted 
on using the Pra} r er Book. " New England was no place 
for such as they." The case of William Vassall in 16-16 43 
is very interesting. 

It is pathetic to enter into the doings of Massachusetts 
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and to per- 
ceive the struggles of well-meaning men trying to work 
out their idea of good, yet producing only evil. The 
ecclesiastical politicians of that time were centuries be- 
hind either Connecticut or Rhode Island ; but they fancied 
they were the Lord's anointed. From John Cotton and 
Hubbard, through Cotton Mather to Quincy and Palfrey, 
one story filled the ears of these men and colored their 
imagination, when applied to the facts of history and 
government. In their distorted vision, an inevitable, 
providential necessity 44 forced the admisistration of their 
state from one form of bigotry to another, until the 
widening political and social activities of the community 
compelled her into a complete separation of church and 
state. 

When the nineteenth century was well advanced, Massa- 
chusetts finally swept away the despotic foundations of 

*> « Winthrop," II.,, ,261 

44 " But to excommunicate an Heretick is not to persecute; that 
is, it is not to punish an innocent, but a culpable and damnable 
person, and that not for conscience, but for persisting in error 
against light of conscience, whereof it hath been convinced." Cot- 
ton's answer to Williams.—" N. Club," III., 48. 49; also II., 27. 
The back action of the conscience of a theocratic persecutor could 
turn any evil into good, or vice versa. 



1636] World-Made States 23 

her religious system. In the words of Mr. C. F. Adams, 
" a modified form of toleration was grudgingly admitted 
into the first constitution of the state in 1780; it was 
not until 1833 that complete liberty of conscience was 
made part of the fundamental law." 4t> 

The Puritans of the Bay fondly fancied that they were 
creating a commonwealth, which through the support and 
interaction of the churches should absorb the old political 
functions of a state, and thus turn the world at large 
into a kingdom of heaven. Orderly political develop- 
ment was impossible under this fanciful ideal ; it was the 
lack of such development that kept Massachusetts seething 
and vibrating in political unrest. The actual movement 
developing a modern state was in the opposite direction, 
just as Mr. Doyle 46 viewing us from Europe, clearly 
comprehended. The " worldly people," the men in the 
street in Massachusetts as in other states, worked out a 
political freedom culminating in the American Revolution ; 
this finally penetrated the congregations of the churches 
and converted them to practical Christianity. No episode 
in history indicates more clearly the large currents of 
evolution, which turn the swirling eddies of theocratic cul- 
ture to wider political development. As the eighteenth 
century moved on, America discovered, by the second 
quarter of the nineteenth she had developed into prac- 
tical politics, the large idea that a free 'democratic 
expression at the polls was better political freedom and 
even better religion than imperial decree, mandate of 
synod or papal bull. 

It is often asserted in apology for the early rulers of 
the Bay that, their course was inevitable — under the tacit 
assumption that theocratic absolutism was the only pos- 

45 " Mass. Historians," p. 33. 

46 " Puritan Colonies," I., pp. 187, 188. 



24 Foundations of Rhode Island 

sible working government. But the Netherlands had a 
comparatively liberal administration, and Connecticut, as 
we have shown, under Hooker was adapting theocracy to 
democratic representation without persecution. We need 
not change the colors of the rainbow to justify Cotton 
and his fellow managers. At least, we can go as far as 
Winthrop in his confession that there was " too much " 
theocracy. 

There are two constant marvels in this bit of history, 
as especially developed in these three colonies of the 
new and newest England. 1. That, the idea of Roger 
Williams once formulated, worked itself so slowly into 
the consciousness of other communities, even in the ad- 
joining districts of Massachusetts and Connecticut. 

2. That a civic principle deemed so revolutionary in 
the seventeenth century should have affected the political 
and social development of Rhode Island so little, as the 
principle emerged from theory and was adopted into 
the life of a state. Rhode Island has been noted for 
oddities and particular individualities. Yet these per- 
sonal differences have affected very little the steady 
development of the community along the lines inevitable 
to the progress of America. In increase of population it 
has averaged with the whole Union, surpassing most 
Eastern states. In industrial progress and in acquisi- 
tion of property, it is equal to any district of the United 
States. It is true that the infant colony suffered from 
the vagaries of wild theorists ; Samuel Gorton and those 
like him who drifted into these open harbors. But there 
came with them much free thought which grew and pros- 
pered. Political order in some way established itself over 
and through these chaotic elements of life. 

The individual man may be odd in that he is uncommon, 
but he must be strong, whatever his social condition and 



1636] Individualism in Rhode Island 25 

environment. In all the military development of our 
country — that superior test which welds the right arm 
of individual men into the true consolidation of the state 
— Rhode Island has shown that individual liberty works 
toward the highest patriotism. In the old French and 
Spanish wars, in the struggles with Great Britain, in our 
tremendous civil war, Rhode Island, notwithstanding her 
strong Quaker heredity, was ever at the front. 

We could not fully comprehend the historic founda- 
tions of Rhode Island, without considering the relative 
bearing of the neighboring governments. We would sub- 
mit that Massachusetts is set forth as an absolute theoc- 
racy. Connecticut starting under a theocratic impulse, 
limited that form of rule by the first practical democracy 
in representative action the world had known. Rhode 
Island after turbulent struggles and contention, was 
brought by her charters into civic life, based on soul- 
liberty and protected by the crown. This new form of 
democracy, the achievement of men freed from every form 
of absolutism — whether ecclesiastical or feudal — lived unto 
itself, and now attracts the attention of the civilized 
world. 

Roger Williams stands out in these studies, larger and 
more heroic as time goes on. He did not create or invent 
soul-liberty. The great impulses of humanity spring 
forth as the occasion ripens, and seldom can be wholly at- 
tributed to any one man. But some one man gives ef- 
fective life to each and every one of them. Primitive 
men could conceive of a hero only in a demigod. We find 
the man in history heroic, who had the courage to enforce 
a great principle. Williams could brave power and place, 
in his assured conviction that his soul was bound to its 
Creator, by ties that neither law nor custom, neither 
priest nor magistrate should any longer control. 



26 Foundations of Rhode Island 

Williams was not skillful or wise in politics. He was a 
good man of business in his private affairs. Mr. Dorr 
comments on this, as we know that he was so poor in the 
first home on Towne street, that Winslow, visiting them, 
gave Mrs. Williams a gold piece. He did not profit by 
selling lands to the first settlers, but he acquired in trade 
an independent property. He sold his trading house at 
Wickford to get funds to pay his expenses in London, 
while procuring the charter. So, he was ready always to 
sacrifice himself for the community. But in developing a 
state out of turbulent, democratic town-meetings, in dis- 
putes with Harris and others, he was not able to separate 
the body politic from his own communistic bent, or the 
vagaries of his individual will. 

The little community of the plantation appreciated him 
according to its own fashion and circumstance. He was 
buried with military honors, and his fellow soldiers of the 
Indian war fired a volley over his grave. Yet there were 
no inscriptions over this grave for three generations. 

Thomas Durfee states that " historians urge that he 
was eccentric, pugnacious, persistent, troublesome. Un- 
doubtedly he was." With all his failings he was the 
trusted and beloved friend of Winthrop, the best of the 
Puritans. His nature was large enough to recognize in 
the Governor of the Bay " that excellent spirit of wisdom 
and prudence wherewith the father of lights hath endued 
you." Urquhart could say 47 " he did approve himself a 
man of such discretion and inimitably sanctified parts that 
an archangel from heaven could not have shown more 
goodness and less ostentation." This might indicate a 
defective man ; but not a worthless man even by the stan- 
dards of Massachusetts Bay. 

Whatever the limitations of his personality, whatever 

^Ante, p. 6. 



1636] The Greater Roger Williams 27 

petty ordinances and powers of state the rulers of Salem 
might bring against him, in historic perspective these 
facts and proceedings fade like rushlights in the rays of 
the sun. He was driven from home and the body politic 
for conscience's sake. In this sublime offering of him- 
self on the altar of conscience, he made the principle 
sacred and appealed to the hearts of men. No longer 
a mere disputant in theology, he became a heroic leader 
of men. The founder of Rhode Island becomes greater 
in history as the principle he embodied spreads its in- 
fluence far and wide in the world's development. 



CHAPTER II 

PLANTING IN PROVIDENCE. 1636-1647. 

IN the spring or early summer of 1636, Roger Williams 
with his five companions, William Harris, John Smith 
(miller), Joshua Verin, Thomas Angell and Francis 
Wickes, pushed out a canoe from the east side of the See- 
konk, crossed into the cove southwestward, and landed 
upon " the Slate Rock." An Indian on the hill above 
saluted them " What Cheer, Netop ! " It was a signifi- 
cant and potential welcome. The peaceful and numerous 
Narragansetts under the judicious direction of Canonicus 
and Miantinomi had refused the passionate appeals of 
warlike Sassacus and his Pequots to join in a confederated 
effort to expel the English. The native on his own shore 
spoke in effect for the great Narragansett people; as 
the friend of his sachems, and these exiles from Puritan 
civilization, approached this new territory. Continuing 
around the peninsula and Fox's Hill — which will after 
appear in surveyor's lines and boundary-disputes — these 
six voyagers paddled up " the great salt river." The 
land fall was made near the mouth of the Moshassuck, just 
below the site of the present St. John's church, where 
a fine spring of water tempted them to found the first 
plantation, which the devout Williams named Providence. 
Williams located his house across the way from the 
spring, and immigrants from Plymouth and the Massa- 
chusetts Bay soon joined the planters. In the year 1638, 1 
twelve proprietors received from Roger Williams, in con- 

i The dates are somewhat confusing, as proceedings of the town 
sometimes preceded the formal conveyance. 

28 



1638] The " Initial " Purchase 29 

sideration of £30. for his expenses, all the lands deeded to 
him by Canonicus and Miantinomi. These lands upon the 
Moshassuck and Seekonk, and on the Woonasquetucket 
southward to the Pawtuxet, had been obtained in gift from 
the sachems; though there had been nominal considera- 
tion, the transaction was something that " monies could 
not do." Williams, when pressed by the planters to part 
with his title and convey to the first proprietors, consented, 
intending a shelter for " persons distressed for conscience." 
By conveyance he made " proprietors " of the twelve as- 
sociates and " such others as the major part of us shall 
admit into the same fellowship of vote with us." This 
" initial deed " was reinforced by documents in 1661 and 
1666 intended to amplify and secure the title. The thir- 
teen proprietors, for convenience, divided their territory 
into the " grand purchase of Providence " and the 
" Pawtuxet purchase." This division according to Judge 
Staples 2 caused much difficulty and dissension. The vague 
boundaries of the deeds and the equally vague conceptions 
of rights of grantees and qualifications of subsequent 
purchasing proprietors alike confused the issues — 
whether fiscal or political — and agitated the town-meet- 
ings of Providence for half a century or more. Williams, 
pure in intention, was poorly equipped for politics. Con- 
science and will worked together in complex personality ; 
until a controversy became polemic or fancied inspiraton, 
as the occasion prompted. Like many reformers, he con- 
ceived that the " freed " citizen and upright believer should 
be benefited not only in his conscience, but in his financial 
conditions. 

The first record of a town-meeting is intensely interest- 
ing, for these steps and fossil tracks were in the noble 

2 " Annals of Prov.," p. 34. 



30 Planting in Providence 

path of soul-liberty. "16 die. 4 month 3 the year not 
given, after warning to attend towne-meeting," " whoever 
be wanting, above one quarter of an hower after ye time " 
was to pay two shillings fine, and the same for departing 
without leave. The other entry provides for electing a 
town treasurer monthly ; two significant facts that, they 
met each month and kept a close grasp on the public 
purse. 

This was doubtless in 1637, as will appear below from 
more important proceedings. In the beginning, " masters 
of families " had met fortnightly to consult " about our 
common peace, watch and planting," choosing also an 
" officer " to call these meetings. But in the first year, 
several young men admitted " inhabitants," yet discon- 
tented politically, sought equal representation and free- 
dom of voting. This shows a variance between family 
organization and freedom for the individual to act under 
the state. Williams prepared a "double subscription," 4 
one for masters of families, the other a sort of indenture 
for young men, admitted as " inhabitants." These in- 
cidents are most interesting, as throwing light on the 
next procedure; a momentous step and degree in the 
world's progress toward individual freedom. 

Aug. 20, 1637, the " second comers," thirteen in num- 
ber, subscribed to the following " civil compact." Thomas 
Harris (brother of William), Benedict Arnold, Richard 
Scott, Chad Brown and John Field were included among 
the signers. This document has been interpreted fre- 
quently as a special instrument to admit " young men." 
But there was more conveyed in the procedure than such 
purpose would account for. Richard Scott, John Field, 
Chad Brown, Thomas Angell, Thomas Harris, Win. Wick- 

s " Early Records Town of Providence," VI., 2. 
4 Cf. " Narr. Club Pub.," V., VI., 3. 




< - r 



£ 5 



a a 



o 



1637] " Only in Civil Things " 31 

enden, as well as others, were in no sense " young men." 
They were among the most responsible settlers. Wil- 
liams had even conceived, though it came to nought, as 
shown in his letter to Winthrop, a " double subscription," 
one for masters of families, one for young men. These 
thirteen signers were " second comers," and the adoption 
of our famous Magna Charta indicates that it was an 
evolution from the actual proceedings of the previous gov- 
ernment. Whether these proceedings were based on a 
written agreement we do not know. Certainly in their 
actual experience they worked away from the Judaic con- 
ceptions prevailing at the Island. Witness below the 
" Saints of the most High " embodied in the Code of 
Laws. Providence developed out of this and put civic 
government on every-day living, squarely down on the 
foundation of " civil things." 

" We, whose names are hereunder, desirous to inhabit 
in the town of Providence, do promise to subject ourselves 
in active or passive obedience to all such orders or agree- 
ments as shall be made for the public good of our body 
in an orderly way, by the major assent of the present 
inhabitants, masters of families, incorporated together 
into a town fellowship, and others whom they shall admit 
unto them, only in civil things." 5 The positive matter 
of this compact differed not from the Mayflower compact 
and numerous other Anglo-Saxon conventions. The limi- 
tation " only " marks the new development outward and 
upward. That order in civil government could be 6 organ- 
ized in material form, leaving each individual free in his 
conscience before his own Heavenly Father, was a discov- 
ery for human intelligence, an invention in governmental 
procedure. 

5 " Early Records," Vol. I., 1. 
e " Narr. Club Pub.," Vol. VI., 3. 



32 Planting in Providence 

No property qualifications were directly instituted, but 
divisions of land went with most early proceedings of the 
" proprietors." At first, fifty-four settlers received 
" home lots," a six-acre lot and additional tracts of 
meadow land. The home-lots of five acres ran in narrow 
strips from the " Towne Streete 7 (now North and South 
Main) to the present Hope Street, and the six-acre lots 
were in the southerly part of " Providence Neck," bor- 
dering on the Seekonk, or upon the Woonasquetucket 
River. 

The government was the simplest form of democracy, 
and it could not last long. All functions were lodged in 
the town-meeting; for which a quorum was not easy and 
difficult to manage, when it was assembled. In 1640, the 
freemen tried to institute a choice of five men, arbitrators 
or " disposers," to " be betrusted with disposals of land 
and also of the town's stock and all general things." A 
town clerk was to be chosen, who should call the disposers 
together every month, and call quarterly town-meetings. 
Former grants of land were to be valid. Mark this espe- 
cial provision as " formerly hath been the liberties of the 
town, so still to hold forth liberty of conscience." 

This might mitigate some ills, but it created others, 
for the executive force of the disposers was almost fruit- 
less. Roger Williams' pungent pen put it " our peace was 
like the peace of a man who hath the tertian ague." Dis- 
order and in one instance bloodshed occurred. The oppo- 
sition of Samuel Gorton and his fellows prompted thirteen 
colonists to appeal to Massachusetts Bay for intervention. 

7 This name was not local or fortuitous — rather, it reverted to 
old English custom dear to the hearts of these wayfarers. Just 
as in Boston Sewall notes " the house that was sometimes Sr. Henry- 
Vanes' bounded with the Towne Street on the East." — " Mass. H. 
C," Sewall, VI., p. 59. 



1636] Domestic Discord 33 

The reply called for absolute submission of the plantation 
to the Bay or to Plymouth. Though Winthrop confessed 
to a sneaking fondness " for an outlet into the Narra- 
gansett Bay," and forcible intervention was afterward 
attempted at Warwick, no practical change was effected 
in the external affairs of the Plantation. But this move- 
ment of the Pawtuxet men aggravated the internal dis- 
cord for many years. 

While the socio-political structures were being forged 
out, a serious rift in the lute had been made by a cer- 
tain domestic discord. Joshua Verin, an original com- 
panion, had his backyard next and adjoining Roger Wil- 
liams' ; whence the good Verin dame found it easy, too easy, 
to flit across to hear the prophet's sermons and exhorta- 
tions. Mr. Dorr suggests that the Verin stew-pot suf- 
fered in the too frequent spiritual aberrations of the house- 
wife. However it might be, Verin's soul could not stomach 
wifely absence, and more disobedience, for he forbade her 
attending the meetings. 8 Winthrop, our sole authority, re- 
joicing in these practical restraints of liberty of conscience, 
with "grim humor " dilates on the proceedings of the Prov- 
idence council before the " disposers " attempted adminis- 
tration. The motion to censure Verin would virtually 
establish that " men's wives, and children and servants 
could claim liberty to go to all religious meetings, though 
never so often, or though private, upon the week days." 
In the debate " there stood up one Arnold, a witty man of 
their own Company, and withstood it, telling them that 
when 'he consented to that order, he never intended it 
should extend to the breach of any ordinance of God, such 
as the subjection of wives to their husbands,' etc., and gave 
divers solid reasons against it. Then one Greene replied 
' that if they should restrain their wives, etc., all the 
s " History of N. E.," VI., 283. 



34* Planting in Providence 

women in the country would cry out of them, etc.' Arnold 
answered him thus : ' Did you pretend to leave the Massa- 
chusetts because you would not offend God to please men, 
and would you now break an ordinance and command of 
God to please women?'" Arnold was a vigorous con- 
testant and he claimed that the desire to be gadding was 
not prompted altogether by the woman's conscience ; that 
Williams and others persuaded her. Arnold was of the 
" Pawtuxet men," and these bickerings indicate the early 
differences which were to harass the Plantation most 
seriously. Roger Williams' influence appears in the final 
action, which condemned Venn, May 21, 1638. 9 " It was 
agreed that Joshua Verin, upon the breach of a covenant 
for restraining of the libertie of conscience, shall be with- 
held from the libertie of voting till he shall declare the 
contrarie." He soon left Providence. Much has been 
written, to make of this affair a state question, but to 
little purpose. The " woman question " inevitably leaves 
unsolved elements in a political situation — whether the 
time be of Solomon, of the seventeenth century, or of the 
all-confident twentieth century. 

We are neglecting the local habitation, which made 
possible these domestic and social doings. The " Towne 
Streete " wavering in outline, as it went up the valley 
toward Constitution Hill, was in its name, according to 
Mr. Dorr's sympathetic analysis, one of the earliest Eng- 

9 It is proper to consider Williams' account and his view of Verin, 
as given in a letter to Winthrop, " Narr. Club,' V., VI., 95, " He 
hath refused to hear the word with us (which we molested him. not 
for this twelvemonth), so because he could not draw his wife, a 
gracious, modest woman, to the same ungodliness with him, he hath 
trodden her underfoot tyrannically and brutishly; which she and 
we long bearing, though with his furious blows she went in danger 
of her life, at the last the major vote of us discard him from our 
civil freedom, or disfranchise." 



1638] Characteristics of Towne Streete 35 

lish traditions accepted by the roving community gather- 
ing around Williams. Home-lots along this thoroughfare 
were laid out by John Throckmorton, of the original thir- 
teen, Chad Brown, who came from England in 1636, and 
was to be a pastor of First Baptist Church and ancestor 
of " the Four Brothers " in the eighteenth century, with 
Gregory Dexter, who appears as town clerk in 1651, and 
became President of the Assembly in 1653. There were 
five-acre lots appropriated to settlers along the way ; a 
narrow front with area stretching up the hillside and 
eastward. Each settler persisted until he got his quota. 
Thomas Olney, Jr., had his " house lot or home-share " 
made up in 1661. The " Spring Lot" was retained by 
the proprietors until July 3, 1721, when it was deeded to 
Gabriel Bernon. 

Opposite lived Williams, and he held religious meetings 
in his house, as we have noted. Above were Verin and 
Richard Scott, below was John Throckmorton. Accord- 
ing to Dorr, one of the strongest of this disputing neigh- 
borhood was Gregory Dexter, who dwelt up the hill at 
the turn of Dexter's Lane, now Olney Street. William 
and Mary Dyre settled at Portsmouth, but removed to 
Providence. Ultimately the martyr went from Towne 
Streete to meet her doom on Boston Common. 

On the irregular lines of this street, houses were built 
hastily, and generally of logs, the yards closely adjoining. 
A narrow strip of green separated the dwelling from pass- 
ing traffic. The homesteads crept up the sloping side 
and unyielding grades of the ridge, which made the penin- 
sular conformation of the early plantation. Barns shel- 
tered the cattle for a generation and orchards soon gave 
plenty of fruit for the clustering families. Above and 
often in the orchard preserves, burial grounds soon at- 
tached the planter yet more closely to his homestead, where 



36 Planting in Providence 

the individual literally stood and lived, as never before 
in the history of the citizen. Along the middle of the 
hillside, the patriarchs of the plantation were laid at rest, 
and these particular personal burying grounds could not 
be disturbed by any communal or social wants for a full 
century. On the plateau above, home-lot pastures 
stretched over to a highway (the modern Hope Street) 
called Ferry Lane, after Red Bridge was opened across 
the Seekonk River. 

And we perceive here the meaning of the English term 
plantation, as it developed under the necessities of vary- 
ing colonies. The settlers did not merely drop seeds in 
the ground. They planted institutions in germ, which 
grew into communities at Plymouth, Boston, Hartford 
and elsewhere, as the occasion made new citizens in new 
homes. The close affinities cultivated in the Plantation 
at Providence were powerful in affording stay and sup- 
port for a new religious life. Likewise, this close and in- 
tense method of living bred certain difficulties of its own, 
as we shall see when social and political life expanded. 

After the home, a church was instituted, though the 
apostles of the Bay had assured themselves no Christian 
society could exist in a government based on " civil 
things." The particular steps in organizing this church 
have been matter of dispute. Winthrop's account 10 that 
Richard Scott's wife, a sister of Anne Hutchinson, influ- 
enced Roger Williams to become an Anabaptist, has been 
criticised. Williams was baptized by Holyman, 11 and 
then baptized a dozen communicants. He remained as 
leader only three or four months, leaving the organization 
to become a " Seeker." By some accounts he was a 

10 Brigham, " Rhode Island," p. 38. 

n Cf. Carpenter, " Roger Williams," p. 164, for Holyman and 
Anabaptists. 



1638] First Baptist Church 37 

Seeker before he left England, though he "kept member- 
ship in the Congregational church at Salem before his 
banishment. Whatever the detailed steps may have been, 
certainly the First Baptist Church was formed about the 
end of the year 1638, attended to worship and Christian 
culture, without meddling with civil government, and be- 
came a thriving influence in the community. That it sur- 
vived the defection of the powerful Roger Williams proves 
that it met the positive wants of its members. 

We should now consider a matter — the beginning of 
disputes — which will vex the colony for more than two- 
score years. Said Williams, " W. Harris and the first 
twelve of Providence were restless for Pawtuxet." In 
1638 all the meadow ground at Pawtuxet had been " im- 
propriated unto thirteen persons being now incorporate 
into our town of Providence," a consideration of £20 being 
paid to Roger Williams. Uncertain and without bounda- 
ries, this deed bred many controversies, not finally set- 
tled until 1712, The "Pawtuxet purchase" conflicted 
with the " grand purchase of Providence." Notwith- 
standing the rebuff from the Bay cited above, William and 
Benedict Arnold, Carpenter and others resident at Paw- 
tuxet submitted to the government of Massachusetts. 
Samuel Gorton and his companions considered that this 
movement affected them, and they moved to Shawomet, 
buying land from the Indians and settling Warwick. 

The plantation as it grew consisted of proprietors, 
additional settlers, and those admitted to be freemen. 
Nineteenth of eleventh month, 1645, 12 twenty-eight per- 
sons received " a free grant of twenty-five acres of land 
apiece, with the right of commoning according to the said 
proportion of lands." They agreed in positive terms 
" not to claim any right to the purchase of the said plan- 
is" Early Records," Vol. II., 29. 



38 Planting in Providence 

tations, nor any privilege of vote in town affairs until 
we shall be received as freemen." 

Irritant and counter-irritant Samuel Gorton appeared 
in Providence, probably in the winter of 1640-41. We 
shall treat him in connection with Portsmouth and the 
Island. We must consider him now in the early troubles 
of the Plantation. Poor Williams wrote Winthrop, " Mr. 
Gorton, having foully abused high and low at Aquidneok, 
is now bewitching and madding poor Providence 
some few and myself do withstand his inhabitation and 
town privileges." Wm. Arnold was also opposed to ad- 
mitting Gorton. With his followers Gorton removed to 
Pawtuxet, where they built houses and cultivated the land. 
Massachusetts, availing of every pretext to obtain a foot- 
hold in Narragansett Bay, now accepted the submission 
of the Pawtuxet men. Gorton made a vigorous protest, 
and would acknowledge only " the government of Old 
England." In their favorite scriptural invective, he fully 
equalled the Bay parsons, but they could rejoin by calling 
his arguments " blasphemies." A more effective argu- 
ment was put forth through the sword of the state. Mas- 
sachusetts sent an armed force and there was bloodshed. 
Gorton and his companions were taken to Boston and to 
the common jail. Carried to meeting on the Sabbath, he 
was indulged after service in a theological discussion with 
Cotton. They chopped metaphysics to their mutual de- 
light. The tyrannical court had caught a Tartar. They 
thought Gorton ought to die, but did not dare to kill 
him. They made a curious sentence for dispersion of 
the culprits " into several towns " with " irons upon one 
leg," etc. This wonderful product of the Bay civilization 
may be best comprehended in the terms of the candid 
Savage, a descendant of these same Puritans. " Silence 
might perhaps become the commentator on this lamentable 
delusion ; for this narrative almost defies the power of 



1643] Samuel Gorton's Exploits 39 

comment to enhance or mitigate the injustice of our gov- 
ernment." 13 The prisoners were actually sent around 
into different towns, but the ingenious magistrates at last 
discovered that they had sapiently arranged for the pris- 
oners to " corrupt some of our people by their heresies." 
The bolts were filed off, and the authorities got rid of 
the offenders against the inspired government of the Bay, 
as they might. 

The Gortonists went to Aquidneck again, and the leader 
went to England, where he found much favor with the 
powerful Earl of Warwick and his Parliamentary Com- 
mission. In 164-3, as above stated, they named their 
settlement for their English benefactor, and in their lead- 
er's words, lived peaceably together, " ending all our 
differences in a neighborly and loving way of arbitra- 
tors." 

A most romantic incident in the growth of our Planta- 
tions grew out of Gorton's trial in Boston and his visit 
to England. The Narragansetts conceived in some way 
that a man or company who could overcome the English 
in Boston and gain direct authority from the British 
Government — source of all power — must possess a great 
" medicine." Accordingly, Gorton, with a half-dozen 
companions, visited Canonicus. 14 April 19, 1644, they 
obtained from all the chief sachems a formal cession of 
the Narragansett lands and people to England. The 
instrument says directly they have " just cause and suspi- 
cion of some of his Majesty's pretended subjects. . . . 
Nor can we yield ourselves unto any, that are subjects 
themselves." Perhaps Gorton built better than he knew, 
but this movement with the Indians was an element in 
excluding Massachusetts and confirming the territory of 

is " Winthrop," Vol. II., 177. 

i* Brigham, " Rhode Island," p. 70. 



40 Planting in Providence 

Rhode Island; as it was consolidated in the Patent of 
1644 and the Charter of 1663. 

We must glance at " Simplicities Defence against a 
Seven Headed Policy," 15 published in London, 1646; 
wherein Gorton gives the full history of these painful 
proceedings, assuming the offensive-defensive in a most 
vigorous fashion. The title-page is an essay, and we 
extract briefly. " A true complaint of a peaceable peo- 
ple, being part of the English in New England, made 
unto the State of Old England, against cruel persecutors 
United in Church Government. Wherein is made mani- 
fest the manifold out-rages, cruelties, oppressions, and 
taxations, by cruell and close imprisonments, fire and 
sword, deprivation of goods, Lands, and livelyhood, and 
such like barbarous inhumanities, exercised upon the peo- 
ple of Providence plantations in the Nanhygansett Bay 
by those of the Massachusetts, with the rest of the United 
Colonies." 

Massachusetts never caught a worse tiger in the field 
than this fierce contestant. In logic and metaphysical 
acumen, he was the equal of the Boston theologians ; in 
matters spiritual, the illumined mystic could reach far 
beyond their ken. In the forum of England he appealed 
against them to the best men and won. Sufficient evi- 
dence that he was not the mere railing " blasphemer " 
described by the magistrates of the Bay. 

Mr. Dorr thinks the main highways laid out at first 
show that the early planters conceived their work to be 
a new creation and must partake of " the flavour of its 
own soil." English as they were, they knew that the 
social and political institutions inherited and transported, 
must be adapted to a new life, enforced by new conditions. 
Nowhere was this inevitable tendency more manifest than 

is Original in R. I. H. S. 



1643] Turbulent New People 41 

in Rhode Island. We have seen the Towne Streete and 
the home-lot worked out together. Dexter Lane went 
over to the Ferry across the Seekonk, for communication 
with Plymouth and Boston was by that route. Above 
Dexter's corner a way ran from the main thoroughfare 
down to the Moshassuck, where a bridge was thrown 
across. Gaol Lane (now Meeting Street) had not devel- 
oped, but Chad Brown lived at the corner of the present 
College Street and Market Square. A bridge was ulti- 
mately thrown over at ancient " Weybosset," which means 
stepping stones. Here the " great salt river " disputed 
with the waters of the Moshassuck and Woonasque- 
tucket, as the tides flowed in from the lower bay. Below, 
Wickenden and Nicholas Power lived on the main high- 
way ; between them Power Lane stretched over for another 
connection with Ferry Lane. Yet lower, lived Pardon 
Tillinghast and Christopher Unthank. Across from the 
latter's homestead was a landmark which has totally dis- 
appeared. The " Streete " wound round " Mile End 
Cove " to reach the point below Foxes Hill. This cove 
was filled in long ago. 

The broad religious liberty of the Plantation brought a 
good increase of population. Turbulent and difficult 
neighbors, who agreed easily with Williams in " not doing 
things," but were always ready to disagree and strive 
against positive action. But they were generally of 
strong character ; stiff timber for the framework of a state. 
In 1646 there were in Providence and its vicinity — includ- 
ing Warwick probably — one hundred and one men capable 
of bearing arms, according to the diary of President Stiles. 
John Smith, one of the original six, was granted land at 
this time for a town mill. An obsolete, upright, plunging 
mill, that broke the grain as rice is treated, gave the name 
of Stampers Street to the locality. At a small fall on 



42 Planting in Providence 

the Moshassuck, Smith set up his useful occupation. A 
volume might be written on the natural affinities of social 
and political influence. A miller, tavern-keeper, or 
socially inclined storekeeper in these primitive creative 
days immediately radiated influence and power. The 
" Town-mill " was an instituted force long before the jail 
or meeting-house gave opportunity for a regular town- 
meeting. It was like a club-center or exchange. Here 
was a parliament " in perpetual session," and minute regu- 
lation of town affairs was conceived and worked up in these 
friendly debates. 

Living was hard at first, in the homes along the Mos- 
hassuck and Great Salt River. Fish and game were 
plenty, but provisions for ordinary fare were scarce. 
Williams' friendly connections with the Indians helped in 
obtaining meat and corn from them. Labor being scarce 
and vitally necessary in every new settlement, the produc- 
ing power of the natives — brought in by exchange of 
wampum — was a strong economic element in starting the 
new life. 

Moses Brown cites a sheet 16 written by his grandfather 
James, which records traditions received from James' 
grandfather Chad. This is fairly direct testimony. A 
cow sold at £22 in silver and gold, which corresponds with 
prices prevailing in Massachusetts in 1636 — a little earlier 
— a pair of oxen at £40, and com at 5s per bushel. At a 
feast in the early days the chief luxury was a boiled bass 
without butter. There were numerous swine and goats 
running on the commons, with few cattle. About 1640 
there was a great decline in cattle throughout New Eng- 
land. In 1641-42 cattle became plenteous in Providence, 
Warwick, and especially in Aquidneck. 17 Even then farm- 

16 MSS. materials for " History of Prov., P. R. I. H. S. 
it Dorr, " Planting and Growth of Prov.," pp. 58, 59. 



1643] Williams Gets the Charter 48 

ing proper was in a crude state, for they worked with 
" howes " instead of plows. 

The three independent colonies of Rhode Island, feeling 
their lack of sovereign power and in their detached weak- 
ness, had sent Williams to obtain recognition from Old 
England. He found favor, and through his powerful 
friends secured from the Parliamentary Commission a 
" Free Charter of Civil Incorporation and Government for 
the Providence Plantations in the Narragansett Bay in 
New England." This was not a " mere land patent," nor 
a trading charter like that of Massachusetts. It was a 
real, effective government charter, bestowing upon the 
grantees the power " to rule ... by whatever laws 
they desired." 18 Vane's name appears among eleven 
signers. The exiled Williams returned through Massa- 
chusetts — his passage being exacted by the authorities 
of England — and bearing this precious document — a tri- 
umph for civilization. At home his arrival was occasion 
for the greatest communal expression the little common- 
wealth had put forth. Fourteen canoes met him at Seek- 
onk and the voyagers filled the air with shouts of welcome. 

The enthusiasm did not crystallize immediately and 
form a government. No organization was provided in 
the instrument and one must be made. Independent com- 
munities acting or disputing through town-meetings with 
jealous neighbors and some doubt as to the stability of 
the home government — all combined to delay union under 
the charter. Finally Providence, Portsmouth, Newport, 
and Warwick sent committees to Portsmouth, May 18, 
1647, to arrange for a General Assembly and to accept 
the charter. Some facts should be noted, which indicate 
deep principles underlying the formal proceedings of the 
time. The Assembly finally acted on a Code of Laws, 

is Brigham, " Rhode Island," p. 75, 



44 Planting in Providence 

which had been formed and submitted to the towns. In 
adopting it, Providence happily called it the " model that 
hath been lately shown unto us by our worthy friends of 
the Island." The code as relating to offenses ends with 
the following expression, which Judge Staples well calls 
" significant " : " These are the laws that concern all men, 
and these are the penalties for the transgression thereof, 
which, by common consent are ratified and established 
throughout the whole colony and otherwise than thus what 
is herein forbidden, all men may walk as their consciences 
persuade them, everyone in the fear of his God. And let 
the Saints of the Most High, walk in this colony, without 
molestation, in the name of Jehovah, their God, forever 
and ever." 

The Puritan walked with God literally, and his conduct 
purified human history. But the process, as rendered 
into common living, bred a more than doubtful civic effi- 
cacy. A class of worthy men like Endicott, Welde, Dud- 
ley, in a degree Winthrop — while they walked, were much 
more seriously concerned for ; the walk of other men. 
Each troubled his conscience for the acts of another fel- 
low. This was not a merely personal exertion, for it 
was a natural result of theocratic, irresponsible power 
diffused among common men. 19 Hooker getting partially 
out of this thraldom, founded a stable government in 
Connecticut — theocratic in origin, but democratic in prac- 
tice. Massachusetts labored for a century and a half 
in throwing off theocratic limitations that Hooker avoided 
practically in his Church Discipline. He did not, like 
Roger Williams, free the soul absolutely, but he forged 
out a working form of democracy from its theocratic 
antecedents. 

i» " The New England Puritan desired to force his own profession 
of faith on his fellowman, till it had become a morbid and OTer- 
whelming passion." — Doyle, " Eng. Col. in Amer.," Vol. II., 245. 



CHAPTER III 

THE ISLAND. 1638-1663 

BEFORE treating the settlements of Portsmouth and 
Newport, we should consider the general significance 
of the various proceedings in the colony of the Bay, which 
compelled the migrations to these places. There was a cer- 
tain compulsive unity and largeness of principle involved 
in or evolved from all the jarring discords, proceeding 
from vagaries of theocratic government and the resultant 
consequences. Some two and one-half centuries have been 
required to grasp these occurrences, and to interpret them 
according to the accepted principles of enlightened his- 
tory. 

The banishment of Williams, the condemnation of Anne 
Hutchinson, the expulsion of Coddington — fellow of 
Vane — with a large company drawn from the better citi- 
zens of Boston, all these movements tended in one direc- 
tion. On the other hand, the reversion of Coddington 
and the islanders toward conservative government evinced 
the constructive sagacity of English commons, the heredi- 
tary reverence for English law. Mrs. Hutchinson could 
not align herself with any established government, and 
soon migrated again to the Dutch settlements. Samuel 
Gorton's career and his whole political action embraced 
both characteristics of this developing polity. Again, 
when Coddington's judicial prejudices would have ended 
in actual " usurpation," the sturdy, practical sense of 
these come-outers — whether from Massachusetts or Eu- 
rope — repudiated him and reset the government on the 
concurrent action of the citizens. 

45 



46 The Island 

Here was an idea, tending outward until held in and 
controlled by traditional law and its attendant institu- 
tions. It fermented again and again, leavening what it 
touched, until Roger Williams' soul-liberty at last estab- 
lished itself under an orderly government, which was 
based on representation of the people. 

Anne Marbury, of Lincolnshire, a parishioner and be- 
loved disciple of Rev. John Cotton, in Boston, England, 
soon outgrew the parson's teaching, for she assimilated 
theology and philosophy as readily as she took her moth- 
er's milk. Moreover, according to Winthrop, she was a 
" woman of ready wit and bold spirit." In intellect and 
vigor of temperament she would have been remarkable in 
any time or place ; she was extraordinary when women were 
expected to listen humbly, and in no wise to create any 
function of their own. Nothing astonished her prosecu- 
tors and judges in Massachusetts more than her mastery 
of a situation, her speaking at will or holding her tongue 
under provocation. 

She married William Hutchinson and migrated to the 
Bay in 1634. They occupied a house where the Old 
Corner Book Store now stands, and the dame's parlor was 
soon a literal center of light and leading. Meetings and 
talks were held sometimes for women and sometimes for 
both sexes ; illuminated gatherings, such as the Puritan 
world had never known. The Hutchinsons were " members 
in good standing " of the Boston Church, and the whole 
community were much exercised in controversy about 
" faith " and " works." Governor Vane, John Cotton, 
with a majorit}' of the Boston Church, Mrs. Hutchinson 
and her brother-in-law, Rev. John Wheelwright, upheld 
the former doctrine. Against them, there stood for 
" works," Winthrop, Wilson the pastor (Cotton being 
preacher or teacher), and virtually all the clergy of the 



1637] Antinomians and Heretics 47 

colony, outside of Boston. Frequent disputes, intense 
excitement prevailed, yet the sensible Winthrop could say 
of the doctrines, " no man could tell, except some few, who 
knew the bottom of the matter, where any difference was." 

Any powerful current opinion tends to differentiate 
metropolitan and country politics. In December, 1636, 
Vane, claiming that the religious dissensions had been 
charged falsely to him, announced that he must return 
to England. The court arranged for a new election, 
when he changed his mind. In May following Winthrop 
and the " implacable " Dudley x wore elected Governor 
and Deputy. Boston could only return Vane and Cod- 
dington as Deputies. Vane could not withstand the strong 
and sagacious Winthrop, and sailed away for England. 

The partisans of " faith " were now classed as Antino- 
mians, and those of " works " as " legalists." Agitation 
was developing new lines of division. Mr. Richman 2 
considers the crisis most interesting. " Was not the 
covenant of Works — i. e., Puritanism challenged to the 
death by the covenant of grace — i. e., by Antinomianism 
and Anabaptism ; by the doctrines of the inward light, 
by the very spirit of Roger Williams, now in exile? " 

The legalists determined to crush their opponents. In 
August, 1637, a synod at Cambridge condemned eighty- 
two " erroneous opinions " and nine " unwholesome expres- 
sions " ; nice discriminations in heresy. The agitators 
conformed to the new phases of affairs, or were reformed 

i Dudley was technical Puritanism incarnate. In the " Magnalia " 
Cotton Mather says he had in his pocket these delightful verses: 
" Let men of God, in courts and churches, watch 
O'er such as do a toleration hatch." 
The rhyme halts, but mark the exquisite harmony of church and 
state; and consider whether Roger Williams and a new state were 
not needed, 
a " Rhode Island— Its Making," p. 46. 



48 The Island 

altogether. Vane, as we have noted, wobbled and quit. 
Cotton, anxious for " his former splendour throughout 
New England," ranged himself with the strong party in 
the state. Winthrop, too large a man not to love Roger 
Williams, was too fond of statecraft to be left outside the 
ruling element. 

In the spirit of Dudley's blessed harmony, the Court 
followed the action of the Synod. Wheelwright was ban- 
ished. Then petitioners, who had dared to approach the 
authorities in his favor, were duly punished. Aspinwall 
was banished; Coggeshall having merely approved the 
petition, was disfranchised ; Coddington, with nine others, 
was given three months in which to depart ; others were 
disfranchised and fined ; later, seventy-one more persons 
were disarmed. Note the bigness and the degree of the 
differing vials of wrath. Was the majesty of the great 
Jehovah ever more minutely parceled out, against his 
loving, if erring, children? 

The trial of Anne Hutchinson in November, 1637, in- 
cluded all of this and more; as Mr. Brigham 3 shows, the 
proceedings accorded better with " a Spanish inquisitorial 
Court " than with the ways of English law, for common 
forms were disregarded. Judge, prosecutor, and jury, if 
not always one, moved invariably as one against the unfor- 
tunate culprit, ordained and doomed to be a criminal. If 
a witness dared to speak for the defendant he was speedily 
intimidated. The moral atmosphere was fetid with des- 
potic oppression. But Anne triumphed over all in the 
visible world. So long as she trod the firm earth she 
dominated Puritan parsons and ecclesiastical lawyers. 
She was passing through the ordeal — unscathed — when 
on the second day, unfortunately, she ventured into the 
unseen world of inward revelation and claimed to be 
3 " Rhode Island," p. 44. 



1637] Anne Hutchinson 49 

directly inspired. This boundless, infinite realm belonged 
to Puritan orthodoxy. Neither Anne Hutchinson, Roger 
Williams, the Pope, Mahomet, nor Buddha had any busi- 
ness in this exclusive precinct. Welde and his fellows of the 
prosecution seized this new and welcome opportunity. 
Then Coddington protested in a largely human way. 
" Here is no law of God that she hath broke, nor any 
law of the Country that she hath broke, and therefore 
deserves no censure." 4 All opposition was useless, and 
the sentence was banishment, to be deferred until May, 
1638, when it was executed. Meanwhile the criminal was 
confined under the care of Joseph Welde. 

The thorough and absolute working of the methods of 
the Bay is indicated in Cotton's discussions with Anne's 
son. He had protested that his mother was accused 
" only for opinion " ; hence he was included with his 
brother in her sentence. Cotton amplified the judgment 
in this conciliatory preachment : " You have proved 
Vipers to eate through the very Bowells of your Mother 
to her Ruine." 5 

The capable, illumined and virtuous woman was " ex- 
communicate and delivered over to Satan." We are not 
concerned with the success or failure of Antinomianism 
in Massachusetts. The matter is amply discussed by 
Charles Francis Adams. 6 For the relation of such agi- 
tation to the history of the world we may cite Mr. Doyle, 
a competent observer: "The spiritual growth of Massa- 
chusetts withered under the shadow of dominant ortho- 
doxy ; the colony was only saved from mental atrophy 
by its vigorous political life." 7 

* " Prince Soc. Pub.," Vol. XXII., 280. 
s Richman, " Making of R. I.," p. 123. 
s " Three Episodes," p. 574. 
7 " Puritan Col.," Vol. I., p. 140. 



50 The Island 

The story of Anne may be completed here, for it has 
little further bearing on our theme. Exiled from the 
Bay, she went through Providence, with her family, and 
•settled at Aquidneck. Her husband died in 1642. She 
soon removed to a spot near Hell Gate, controlled by 
the Dutch. With her household to the number of sixteen, 
she was murdered by the Indians in 1643 ; only one 
daughter survived. 

We do not part so easily with our good friend Welde. 
He did not cease ministration with Anne's life, and we 
must study his enlightened narrative of God's land in 
this " heavie example." I said these ministers possessed 
the infinite ; witness how they entered into the inmost 
purposes of the Almighty. " I never heard that the In- 
dians in those parts did ever before commit the like out- 
rage upon any one family or families, and therefore God's 
hand is the more apparently seene herein, to pick out this 
woful woman to make her, and those belonging to her, 
an unhearde of heavie example of their cruelty above all 
others." 8 This is not reporters' talk; Welde and those 
like him were the interpreters of the religion of the time. 
There is in this epic, a bitterness of bite, a certain vitri- 
olic essence of conviction that bigotry might admire in 
any age. We are forced to dwell on it, for some vagaries 
of the citizens of Rhode Island can only be imagined and 
apprehended when light is thrown on the shadow's of 
their persecutors. 

Some 200 persons were either exiled or laid under ban 
by the prosecutions against Antinomianism at the Bay, 
and they must seek a new home. Winthrop speaks of 
those " of the rigid separation and savoring of anabap- 
tism, who removed to Providence." Some were more con- 
servative. John Clarke, an educated physician and very 
* Cited " R. I.— Its Making," p. 151. 



1637] Purchase of Aquidneck 51 

able man, with others, was deputed to explore. They 
contemplated Long Island or Delaware Bay, but halted 
at Providence, where Roger Williams received them 
" courteously and lovingly." Under his advice, they chose 
Aquidneck, after ascertaining it was not claimed by Ply- 
mouth. The Island was purchased March 27, 1637, by 
William Coddington and his friends from Canonicus and 
Miantinomi for forty fathoms of white peage, with five 
fathoms paid to a local sachem, together with ten coats 
and twenty hoes distributed to make diplomacy easy. 
The exodus stopped at Providence to make this civil com- 
pact: " The 7th day of the first month, 1638. We whose 
names are underwritten do here solemnly in the presence 
of Jehovah, incorporate ourselves into a Bodie Politick, 
and as he shall help, will submit our persons, lives and 
estates unto our Lord Jesus Christ, the King of Kings 
and Lord of Lords, and to all those perfect and most ab- 
solute laws of his given us in his holy word of truth, to 
be guided and judged thereby. — Exod. xxiv., 3, 4; 2 
Chron. xi., 3; 2 Kings xi., 17." 9 It was signed by nine- 
teen persons, including Coddington, Clarke, William 
Hutchinson, William Dyre, Henry Bull and Randall 
Holden. 

In the eighteenth century Callender, in the nineteenth 
Arnold, agree that this body at that time were " Puri- 
tans of the highest form." It is interesting to trace this 
migrating development. For if a state poised half way 
between the orthodox Bay and heterodox Roger Williams 
had been possible, it would have reared itself on the 
island of Aquidneck. This community had much that 
was lacking in Providence, as we shall perceive. The solid 
Judaic principles, affiliated by the Puritans and so im- 
portant historically, are plainly visible. The King of 
s " Arnold," Vol. I., p. 124. 



52 The Island 

Kings was to govern by absolute laws in his holy word 
of truth. Evidently, a purified and sublimated theocracy 
was contemplated. There is nothing to show whether the 
compact at Providence based on " civil things " was con- 
sidered — probably it was not. It had existed only about 
six months — moreover, it was not germain to the dearest 
convictions of the Aquidneck settlers. Clarke and Cod- 
dington — large men for their time — would " tolerate " 
Christians. Roger Williams — large for all time — had 
beaten through the jungle and undergrowth of sects, out 
into God's open — where Jew or Gentile, Christian or 
Pagan could breathe freely. LikeAvise, all societies have 
based their institutions on property as well as on the ac- 
tivities of persons. Roger Williams in the turbulent com- 
munity of Providence, had avoided as far as possible the 
limitations of property ; in consequence much trouble re- 
sulted from neglect of some simple obligations of posses- 
sion. Liberty — suddenly emancipated — had not learned 
that its best exercise was to be in and through the out- 
come of highly civilized social institutions. At Pocasset 
on the island, the settlers, especially those most influential 
and represented by Coddrngton, established necessary 
laws for maintaining the solid order of society. 

We repeat that, if any half-way house in reaching a 
body politic had been possible, the Pocasset or Ports- 
mouth settlement would have afforded proper oppor- 
tunity. These men, bred as Hebraists and Puritans, 
driven out from strict Puritan lines, halted in their jour- 
ney toward soul-liberty. In some respects their practical 
abilities surpassed Roger Williams ; for their old and estab- 
lished principles of law, he was obliged finally to adopt 
into his colonial government. Rut the problem of a democ- 
racy administered according to liberty of conscience was 
not solved; it was only scotched at Portsmouth. It was 



1638] Puritan Attempt at Portsmouth 53 

necessary to descend to the depths of no government with 
Roger Williams ; and thence build solidly on the founda- 
tion of " only in civil things." 

The first settlement was at Pocasset, now Portsmouth, 
in 1638. Under the first compact, a complete democracy 
had enacted laws in the general body of freemen, the 
"judge" merely presiding. As in Providence, and be- 
fore a year elapsed, this cumbrous democracy creaked. 
January 2, 1639, the freemen delegated power to the 
judge, assisted by his three " elders," who should govern 
" according to the general rule of the word of God." Re- 
porting quarterly to the freemen, their administration 
could be vetoed thus : " If by the Body or any of them the 
Lord shall be pleased to dispense light to the contrary of 
what by the Judge and Elders hath been determined 
formerly, that then and there it shall be repealed as the 
act of the Body." 10 This system lasted four months ; a 
most curious formulation of vox populi. This modulation 
of theocratic principles — whether autocratic or democratic 
— is most instructive. 

The ultra democratic proceedings had offended Cod- 
dington and those who wanted an effective working gov- 
ernment. A minority in numbers, which constituted the 
major strength and substance of the community, arranged 
to secede. The mother settlement at Pocasset, April 28- 
30, 1639, made a new compact as the " loyal subjects of 
King Charles in a Civill Body Politicke," and elected Wil- 
liam Hutchinson judge, with eight assistants. A quar- 
terly court and jury of twelve was provided. This was 
the first government in the colony, moulded according to 
English law, and subject to the King. Theocracy and 
democracy were gradually being shaped to the common 
law, with its inherent obligations. 

io Brigham, " R. I.," p. 47. 



54 The Island 

Portsmouth preserved good records, and some details 
of the life there are interesting. As usual, the matter is 
chiefly of land conveyance, highways, administration of 
rates and such municipal affairs, with an occasional record 
of marriage, birth or death, but we get now and then a 
glimpse of something which interests more directly. For 
example: X1 May 15, 1649, Adam Mott, having offered a 
cow forever and five bushels of corn by the year, " so 
long as the ould man shall live," the neighbors, " every 
man that was free thereto," made it up to forty bushels. 
Mr. William Balston, a prominent citizen, in considera- 
tion, agreed to give " onto father mott " for a year 
" house rome dyate lodging and washings " — quite an 
instance of social co-operation. Ear marks of cattle were 
frequently recorded, especially after 1650. The first 
entry is Sept. 1, 1645, of Edward Anthony — " a hind 
gad on the left ear." 

The immortal Pickwick was anticipated in debate July 
16, 1650. In an action for slander before the town Court 
brought by John Sanford against Captain Richard Moris, 
the latter said " he had not nor Could not Charge the 
plaintiff to bee a thief in any Pticuler, and further sayd 
that if any words passed from him at Which Jeames 
Badcock (sic) tooke offence the said Captaine professed 
he knew not that he did speake any such words nether 
would he deny that he did but said if he did speake any 
such words it was in a passion and desiered m r Sanford to 
pass it by." After such lucid apology everybody was 
satisfied. 

In 1651, the " Clarke of the measuers " was ordered to 

inspect once per month that the " to peny white loafe way 

16 ounces and beere bee sould for two pence a quarte." 

For offense, forfeit 10s. In 1654 William Freeborn e was 

ii " Records of the Town of Portsmouth," p. 40 et seq. 



1640] Customs of the Time 55 

allowed ten pounds " at the Rate of silver pay," besides 
the cow and five bushels corn to " keepe ould mott " for 
the year. This included clothing for the beneficiary. 

A prison was ordered to be built near the " Stockes " 
and a " doppinge stoole was to be sett at the water side 
by the po[ ]de." This year was memorable in super- 
vising and correcting the morals of this simple commun- 
ity. " In respect of several inconveniences that have 
' hapined,' " it was ordered that no man sign a bill of 
divorce, unless the separation be allowed by the Colony ; if 
offending, he should be fined £10. sterling. More signifi- 
cant was the ordinance that no man should harbor an- 
other man's wife " after waringe," and in case of offense, 
he should forfeit £5. sterling for every night. 

Manners as well as morals were overlooked by these 
worthy burghers. In 1656 a committee, Mr. William 
Balston, chairman, was appointed " to speake with shreifs 
wife and William Charles and George Lawtons Wife and 
to give them the best advise and Warning for ther own 
peace and the peace of the place." We do not envy the 
selectmen for their responsibility in adjusting the dis- 
putes of these jangling females. Of larger public con- 
cern was a committee to procure the powder and shot 
ordered by the " generall Court " for Portsmouth. Roger 
Williams' constant service in Colonial affairs appears ; for 
the committee were to pay him for getting the ammuni- 
tion. There are frequent admissions of persons as " free- 
men " or as "inhabitants." There was also much detail 
in the management of the common lands ; provisions 
against cutting timber, handling of cattle, etc. In 1660 
William Baker petitioned the town to take his sheep and 
" Contrebute to his Nesesaty " ; for which there was ap- 
propriated £8, " after the Rats of wompom 8 per peny," 
for one year. 



56 The Island 

In 1662 at a meeting of " the free inhabitants of the 
Towne" a curious form of citizenship was made mani- 
fest. Peter Folger, late of " martin's Vinyard, presented 
to the free inhabitants of this towne " a lease of house 
and land from William Cory, the said Folger shall have 
" a beinge amongst vs during the terme of the said lease." 

Adam Mott, who so thriftily arranged in 164*9 for 
" ole father Mott " by giving a cow and five bushels corn 
per year toward his support by the town, died in 1661. 
His inventory showed £371.6, besides some land previously 
conveyed to his sons — a good estate for that time. Care- 
ful provisions were made to equalize the shares of the 
sons. The executors, Edward Thurston and Richard 
Few, were to receive each an ewe sheep for services. The 
widow was to have the " howsage and land " for life. 
The executors were to persuade her at her death " in y e 
disposinge of mouables with in howse or abroad to give it 
to them accordinge, to discrecion whom beest desearues it 
in there Care and Respect to hir while she lives, vpon 
which my desseir is you will have your Eyes as my 
ffrinds, and harts Redey." He instructs further " if 
my Children should be Crosse to there mother so y l it 
should force hir to marey againe. I give full power to 
my Executers to take good & full securitie for the makinge 
good of y e Estate so longe as she lives that my will may 
be performed." This provision might cut both ways. 
Evidently, Mott's immortal, marital obligations were to be 
as scrupulous as was his economic bargain with the town 
for supporting his father in old age. 

Some prices may be noted, 4 oxen, £28 ; five cows and 
one bull, £30 ; one horse, one mare and colt, £36 ; 32 
ewes, 2 rams, £32 ; 6 swine, £4. Wearing clothes, books, 
two suits, two doublets and breeches, one gown of gray 
cloth, and every day clothes, in all £11 ; 4 yards coarse 



1640] Furniture and Dress 57 

Kersey, £1 ; 8 pair stockings, £1.12 ; 1 feather bed and 
furniture, £6; various beds not included; 1 brass kettle, 
£1 ; 6 pewter dishes (14 lbs.), 1 quart, 2 pint pots, £1.6; 
iron pots, pans, etc., £3.14; 7 pair sheets, 2 table cloths, 
6 napkins, pillowbers, £4; 2 tables, 1 joint stool and 
chair, £1.4; 1 cart and plow, 2 chains, £3.10; 1 hoe and 
axe, 2 scythes, 10s. The whole inventory indicates a 
comfortable household. And chairs were a luxury, as 
they were in Providence at the same period, where people 
were not as well off. 

These proceedings are worthy of study. Doubtless, 
Newport was living in similar fashion, though the records 
are lost. Providence hardly .shows so close, domiciliary 
superintendence ; and there was no ecclesiastical interfer- 
ence whatever, such as generally influenced New England 
towns. The Portsmouth dwellers were Puritan in spirit 
and brought their lives to as rigid civic regulation as was 
possible. The common poor were cared for as usual, but 
the especial responsibility for those only half pauperized 
is very interesting. The minute discussions of these free- 
men and selectmen look petty now, but the whole way 
of life was hard and petty. 

April 30th, Nicholas Easton voyaged around to 
Coaster's Harbor, now the United States Naval Station. 
Following him, the seceders located southward, immedi- 
ately erecting a house or houses. May 16, 1639, the first 
order recorded " the Plantation now begun at this South- 
west end of the Island shall be called Newport." The 
body politic of the new plantation, now established at 
Newport, negotiated with the more imponderable spirit 
hovering at Portsmouth. November 25th, after some 
communication back and forth, the Newport settlers made 
an order for courts, adopting the Portsmouth principle 
of allegiance to King Charles. They appointed two men 



58 The Island 

also to obtain " a Patent of the Island from his Majestie," 
styling themselves as " the Body Politicke in the He of 
Aquethnec." March 12, 1640, union between the two 
plantations was effected and the " brethren " at Ports- 
mouth came in. Coddington was chosen Governor with 
William Brenton as Deputy. In the union, Newport took 
the initiative, and her political ascendancy prevailed in 
the colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations 
for a century and a quarter. 

The tendencies of the Coddington party toward strong 
government did not immediately affect the Newport plan- 
tation. In March, 1641, they could enact sensibly " the 
Government winch this Bodie Politick doth attend unto in 
this Island, and the Jurisdiction thereof, in favor of our 
Prince is a Democracie, or Popular Government." 12 This 
democracy lasted until the union of the towns under the 
royal charter in 1647. In 1644, they adopted the name 
" Isle of Rodes, or Rhode Island." 13 The name accord- 
ing to Williams, as confirmed by the best modern re- 
search, is " in Greek an Isle of Roses." u 

The land system of the Island was like that of Provi- 
dence generally, and an important act ordained in 1640- 
41 that, " none be accounted a delinquent for Doctrine : 
Provided it be not " directly repugnant to the Govern- 
ment or Lawes established." The settlers at Portsmouth 
would have been Congregationalists had the ruling powers 
at the Bay permitted. Winthrop says, in 1639, " they 
gathered a church in a very disordered way ; for they 
took some excommunicated persons, and others who were 
members of the Church at Boston and not dismissed." 
And the lawyer Lechford, more orthodox than the par- 

12 " R. I. Col. Rec," Vol. 1, 112. 

13 Ibid, 127. 

1* Cf. Brigham, " R. I.," p. 51. 




o 



pq 



1640] Separation of Baptists and Quakers 59 

sons themselves, said, " no church, a meeting which 
teaches and calls it Prophesie." 15 John Clarke preached 
to the meeting. Winthrop said Anne Hutchinson broached 
new heresies each year, Anne being " opposed to all 
magistracy." Yet in fact her husband was a magis- 
trate at Portsmouth. As noted, a court in regular form 
was instituted there. Newport soon followed the exam- 
ple, and stocks, whipping-post and prison — the enlightened 
accessories of justice — were soon provided. The Puritans 
of the Bay could not report exactly matters which they in 
no wise comprehended. Richman thinks the impelling lati- 
tudinarianism fast drifted the would-be Congregation- 
alists toward the Baptist or at least the Anabaptist view. 
Independency — little comprehended then — impelled Chris- 
tians toward freedom for the believer and the separation 
of church and state. Roger Williams, " the time- 
spirit " 16 was helped by unwitting instruments like Anne 
Hutchinson and Samuel Gorton. 

Further evolution was going forward at Newport. In 
1640, a " church fellowship " 17 was gathered under the 
leadership of Dr. John Clarke and Robert Lenthall. This 
effervescing, doctrinal fellowship disagreed, Coddington 
and his friends adopting views which were to end in 
Quakerism, while Clark, and his followers formed a Bap- 
tist church in 1644. 

In fact, the Island early developed stable institutions, 
which Providence lacked from the beginning. The Provi- 
dence planters sought freedom of conscience, it is true; 
but historians sometimes forget that no community can 
live by spirit exclusively. So the old Massachusetts fish- 
erman interrupted the exhorter, claiming that the English 

15 " Plain Dealing," p. 41. 

is "R. I.— Its Making," p. 136. 

it Keayne MSS., " Prince Soc. Pub.," Vol. XXII., p. 401. 



60 The Island 

emigrants crossed the seas to worship God, saying, " No, 
we came to live." The land system at Providence afforded 
a good opportunity for new planters to become independ- 
ent. Having acquired this material security, their varying 
views in theology tempted differences in social action. Some 
four-fifths of the community for many years would not 
directly assist the only church. 18 Dissent apparently 
agreed only in further dissent. Political and social 
development necessarily halted. The desiderated pure 
democracy failed for lack of legislative and executive 
power, — whether in initiative or in restraint. Town meet- 
ings made poor substitutes for courts of law. As late 
as 1654, Sir Henry Vane remonstrated to Williams, 
" How is it there are such divisions amongst you? 
Such headiness tumults, injustice. . . . Are there no 
wise men amongst you, who can find out some way or 
means of union and reconciliation for you amongst 
yourselves, before you become a prey to common 
enemies ? " 19 

The Plantations north and south were unlike as a yeast 
cake varies from a wholesome loaf of bread. Williams, 
educated and lofty — but not a political and social organ- 
izer — was alone in his university training; his neigh- 
bors, many of them able, were not instructed men. In 
Newport, Coddington, Clarke, Coggeshall, Jeffries, the 
Hutchinsons, were men of wealth and culture, eminent 
before they emigrated to New England. Among the very 
first schools supported by taxation in America was Lent- 
hall's " publick school " at Newport in 1640. In formal 
legislation, in courts, church and school, Newport was in 
advance of Providence. But let us remember, the yeast 

is Brigliam, p. 55. 

19 " R. I. Col. Rec," Vol. I., p. 285. 



1640] Samuel Gorton Again 61 

cake has potentiality far beyond that of the developed 
bread. 

It was in the future, in the domain unknown, that 
Providence was to excel. 

None of the founders had more yeast in his make-up 
than Samuel Gorton, who was introduced in the Paw- 
tuxet controversy and the interference of Massachu- 
setts. 20 In nature he was modern- — if not the most 
modern of all the Puritan counter-irritants. We must 
now trace his first relations with our Plantations. Mor- 
ton called him " a proud and pestilential seducer." Per- 
haps it would be too much to say that condemnation by 
agitators at the Bay would now be sufficient praise, but 
all Morton's direct charges have been disproved. 21 The 
prosecution of Antinomians at the Bay was not agree- 
able to him, and he left for Plymouth. He defended a 
servant girl, whom he believed to be unjustly accused, and 
he was banished from Plymouth in December, 1638. The 
offense was mainly technical, for beyond all theological 
or legal differences, was his " exasperating spirit of in- 
dependence." True to the essence of English law — 
though an obstinate extremist — he protested against the 
methods of the court " let them not be parties and 
judges." Driven out in a heavy snow storm, with his 
wife nursing an infant, he joined the exiles at Ports- 
mouth. In defending a suit against another servant he 
fared no better, for he insisted that this court had no 
authority from the Crown. After much controversy, Gov- 
ernor Coddington summed against him. When he re- 
sisted, the Governor said, " All you that own the King, 
take away Gorton and carry him to prison." Then Gor- 
ton exclaimed, " All you that own the King, take away 

20 Ante, p. 38. 

2i Brigham, p. 57n. 



62 The Island 

Coddington and carry him to prison." This retort direct 
could hardly accord with any course of law then possible 
on the Island. If the transcendentalist were the one in- 
dividual in the universe, he would be complete. It has 
been urged reasonably 22 that Gorton would rebel against 
any legal system the colonies could maintain ; but we must 
consider his whole career and not any one technical point. 
He was a sincere individualist before the legal and social 
rights of such a creature were known — not a mere out- 
law. In his letter to Morton 23 he said simply, " I would 
rather suffer among some people than be a ruler together 
with them, according to their principles and manner of 
management of their authority." He has outdone the pa- 
tience of all historians ; but let us handle him tenderly. It 
was this self-centered adamantine firmness in him and those 
similar — if not so able — which made of Rhode Island a 
rock in a shaken world ; or a resisting government against 
theocratic systems and encroaching neighbors. 

Coddington, supported by institutions, was not much 
intimidated by the remonstrant. Gorton influenced a few 
comrades,- and they migrated together to Providence, 
probably in the winter of 1640-41. He made some prose- 
lytes there, but the town would not grant him the privi- 
leges of a proprietor and citizen. Williams bewails the 
situation to Winthrop. " Mr. Gorton having foully 
abused high and low at Aquedneck, is now bewitching and 
madding poor Providence 24 some few and 

myself do withstand his inhabitation and town privi- 
leges." 25 He finally joined the Pawtuxet settlers and 
became a leading founder of Warwick, as has been noted. 

22 Sheffield's " Gorton," p. 38. 

23 Ibid, p. 8. 

24 Cotton taunted Williams as being superseded " by a more 
prodigious minter of exhorbitant novelties than himself." 

25 Brigham, p. 61. 



1640] A True Mystic 63 

Mystics rarely found sects and Gorton could not per- 
petuate himself. Yet, in himself he will always interest 
all students of individual development. Dr. Ezra Stiles 
heard and recorded the testimony 26 of his last disciple, 
John Angell, in 1771. The actual memorials of Gorton's 
life are not as important as the traces of his inevitable 
influence, as it affected other lives in the generations fol- 
lowing him. We cannot read the poetic utterance of 
Sarah Helen Whitman, descended from Nicholas Power, 
an adherent of Gorton, or the philosophic writings ot 
Job Durfee, as well as others, without recognizing that 
Rhode Island has drawn intimately and effectively from 
the sources of eternal truth. Mr. Lewis G. Jaynes has 
lately asserted 27 sensibly that Samuel Gorton was the 
"premature John Baptist of New England transcen- 
destalism," the spiritual father of Channing, Emerson 
and Parker. When a mystic doctrine has penetrated and 
impressed a people, it needs no ecclesiastical formula or 
dogmatic foundation on which to rest. Active theology 
is the passing record of the time-spirit. 

The winter of 1639-40 was memorable for the Island 

26 « The Friends had come out of the world in some ways, but 
still were in darkness or twilight, but that Gorton was far beyond 
them, he said, high way up to the dispensation of light. The Quakers 
were in no wise to be compared with him; nor any man else can, 
since the primitive times of the Church, especially since they came 
out of Popish darkness. He said Gorton was a holy man; wept 
day and night for the sins and blindness of the world; his eyes 
were a fountain of tears, and always full of tears— a man full of 
thought and study— had a long walk out through the trees or woods 
by his house, where he constantly walked morning and evening, and 
even in the depths of the night, alone by himself, for contemplation 
and the enjoyment of the dispensation of light. He was univer- 
sally beloved by all his neighbors, and the Indians, who esteemed 
him, not only as a friend, but one high in communion with God in 
Heaven."— Col. B. I. H. S., Vol. II., 19. 

27 Richman, " Rhode Island— Its Making," Vol. I., pp. 108, 109. 



64 The Island 

in scarcity and privation. For 96 people there were only 
108 bushels of corn to be divided. Lechford visited in 
this or the following year and estimated the population 
at 200 families. Mr. Richman thinks 200 persons would 
be more likely and considers that Providence had about 
one-half as many. 28 At this time the Bay sent three 
" winning " men to negotiate with members absent from 
the Boston church and sojourning on the Island. The 
settlers refused to treat, as one Congregational church 
had not authority over another. 

Coddington tried to obtain recognition from the United 
New England Colonies in 1644 for the Island govern- 
ment. The United Colonies would receive the petitioners 
only as a portion of Plymouth Colony. Hie failed as an 
executive and direct leader of men, as we shall see in the 
" Usurpation." He could not comprehend the people 
as it existed in any form of popular expression. Mr. 
Richman terms the government sought by Coddington an 
" autocratic theocracy." Perhaps the record justifies 
this discrimination, but it is hard to treat Coddington 
justly from the records existing. He was a man of sub- 
stance materially and mentally. He could not follow 
Gorton or even Williams in their efforts for social order — 
all of which were disorderly vagaries to him. Judge 
Durfee considers that the well-organized judiciary of the 
Island, locally adapted " betokens the presence of some 
man having not only a large legal and legislative capac- 
ity, but also a commanding influence." 29 It was prob- 
ably Coddington. " Whoever he was, he was certainly 
after Roger Williams and John Clarke " a principal ben- 
efactor of the infant colony. It is more than doubtful 
whether Rhode Island could have attained a stable gov- 

28 « R. I._ Its Making," p. 131. 

29 Durfee, "Judicial History of R. I.," p. 6. 






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1651] Coddington's Usurpation 65 

ernment without Coddington's effort or something equiv- 
alent. 

Coddington and Captain Partridge made a definite 
proposal in 1648 to the Commissioners of the United 
Colonies to submit the Island to them, and would even 
place it under the jurisdiction of Plymouth. This scheme 
did not succeed. Coddington, according to Doctor Tur- 
ner, 30 would be a monarch, and, going to England, 
strangely succeeded in obtaining from the Long Parlia- 
ment a commission, making him " in effect the autocrat of 
the fairest and wealthiest portion" 31 of our territory. 
In 1651 he established himself in his " Usurpation," and 
this constitutes a remarkable episode in the history of our 
state. 

Shipbuilding began early at Portsmouth, and there 
was built there or at Newport in 1646 a ship of 100 to 
150 tons for New Haven. She made an ill-fated voyage 
under Lamberton and was lost. In 1649 Bluefield, with 
his crew of Frenchmen, came into Newport and sold a 
prize. The authorities would not allow him to purchase 
a frigate of Capt. Clarke, as they feared the pirates 
would attack our coastwise commerce. These transac- 
tions show that a commercial market was well established 
already. 

The West Indies needed the products of any rich agri- 
cultural region, and the fertile lands of the Island fur- 
nished the required exchanges. The sugar-mills used 
horses and these appear in Coddington's exports in 
1656. 32 These West India goods were sold to Connecticut 
and to the Dutch at Manhattan. Then as always, the 
central port of Manhattan affected all American trade. 

30 Brigham, " R. I.," pp. 87-89. 
si Arnold, " R. I.," Vol. I., 238. 
32 " R. I. Col. Rec," Vol. I., 338. 



66 The Island 

Our commercial intercourse was important, and the name 
" Dutch Island," at the mouth of the Bay, leaves a trace 
of it. Cross marriages occurred, and an occasional 
Dutch name in early Providence indicates the intercourse. 

There was considerable trade with Connecticut, and 
the influence of this intercourse is shown by Isham and 
Brown in the type of houses adopted at Newport. The 
Coddington House, built possibly in 1641, and certainly 
before 1650, was an example of the comfortable dwell- 
ing which succeeded the early log house of New England. 
Though rude in appearance, it was certainly substantial 
and serviceable, or it would not have survived until 1835. 
It had an end chimney and the second story overhung, as 
in houses at London and elsewhere in England in the 
early seventeenth century. The Henry Bull house, dat- 
ing from 1638-40, had the central chimney, distinctive of 
the better class of houses in Connecticut. 

This early commerce of Newport, exchanging the rich 
products of the Islands so profitably, promoted comfort- 
able living for the settlers accordingly. When Providence 
had no blacksmith, Newport had three, with masons, 
joiners, coopers and cordwaniers. Jefferay's Journal 
notes that the houses in Newport about 1650 were as 
" yet small with few good ones." Some had glass from 
England, with furnishings like the " old home," but in- 
ferior. They had a few books, a little plate, and their 
dishes were mainly of wood or earthenware. Their tables, 
chairs and beds were rude, excepting the few brought 
from over sea. 

During some two years of the " Usurpation," there were 
virtually two governments in the colony, often conflicting 
with each other. 33 Coddington's commission was revoked 
in England and the formal news was brought by William 

33 Brigham, " R. I.," p. 93, a full account. 



1657] Persecution of Quakers by the Bay 67 

Dyer to Rhode Island in 1653. Among other negotia- 
tions for a suzerain, the usurper had coquetted with the 
Dutch at Manhattan. This proceeding materially helped 
Williams and Sir Henry Vane in their efforts with the 
Parliamentary Commission for the revocation. 

Perhaps nothing more clearly reveals the strangely in- 
human and ferocious sentiment prevailing in Massachu- 
setts at this period, than their wanton persecution of the 
Quakers, or Society of Friends, as they finally became. 
Such cruelty was not a necessary outcome of the Puritan 
spirit of government, for Connecticut, an orderly com- 
monwealth, did not actively persecute in the name of Chris- 
tianity. That community was unfriendly and banished 
Mary Dyer from New Haven for preaching in 1658; but 
they did not whip nor hang these heretics. Bradstreet 
and the Commissioners of the United Colonies in Sep- 
tember, 1657, addressed this gentle request to the Gov- 
ernor of Rhode Island: "... to preserve us from 
such a pest the Contagion whereof (if Received within 
youer Collonie were dangerous, &c, to bee defused to the 
other by means of the Intercourse, especially to the 
places of trad amongst us ; which wee desire may bee with 
safety continued between us ; Wee therefore make it our 
Request that you Remove those Quakers that have been 
Received, and for the future prohibite theire coming 
amongst you." 34 The conscience of Rhode Island was 
hardly worth considering by Boston magistrates. But 
evidently these governors thought that a direct thrust at 
the pocket by threatening " trad " might touch an uni- 
versal passion and move the deepest springs of civilized 
feeling. The Rhode Island outcasts did not regard the 
appeal to covetousness, but answered immediately through 
Governor Benedict Arnold, " We have no law among us 

84 " R. I. C. R.," Vol. I., p. 374. 



68 The Island 

whereby to punish any for only declaring by words their 
minds concerning the things and ways of God." 35 

Fines, the jail, whipping-post and gallows were used 
to reform these simple believers, and they throve upon 
such severe regimen. Mary Dyer, a devout and much 
respected woman of Newport and Providence, was arrested 
in Boston and executed on the Common, June 1, 1660. 
When expecting death, she said, " It is an hour of the 
greatest joy I can enjoy in this world. No eye can see, 
no ear can hear, no tongue can speak, no heart can under- 
stand, the sweet incomes and refreshings of the spirit of 
the Lord which now I enjoy." 

The large incoming of the Quakers was an important 
factor in the early prosperity of the colony. Many lead- 
ing men like Coddington embraced their doctrines, and 
their social influence can hardly be exaggerated. Ana- 
baptists and Antinomians, all ready for assimilation, 
often adopted the better formulated ideas of Fox and 
Barclay. While the majority of Friends were not learned 
in the schools, their whole system was a severe method 
of mental discipline. Their complete self-repression, their 
close study of the Bible, their gentle manners, all af- 
fected profoundly the ways of a new community. Rhode 
Island lacked the regulated ecclesiastical methods of Mas- 
sachusetts and Connecticut. But we may remember that, 
while it lost much in a positive way, it gained somewhat 
by not having to unlearn. Compare the above utterances 
of Bradstreet and Mary Dyer. For a century, until the 
schools of our colony were regularly developed, the cul- 
ture of the Friends was education in the concrete. 

Significant evidence of the increasing trade of Newport 
appears in the immigration of wealthy Jews, the har- 
bingers of active commerce throughout the world. A 
35 «R. I. C. R.," pp. 374-380. 



1658] Jewish Immigration. The Charter 69 

large immigration from Lisbon came in 1655 and fifteen 
families came from Holland in 1658. 36 They brought 
besides capital and mercantile skill, the first three degrees 
in Masonry. Religious freedom admitted them, but they 
would not have settled where there was not an abounding 
trade. Their people were to become an important ele- 
ment in our colonial life, and they appeared before the 
General Assembly by petition in 1684. 

John Hull, the mint master, Major Atherton and 
others purchased of the Indians the southeastern por- 
tion of the Narragansett lands, to be known as the Petta- 
quamscutt Purchases. John Winthrop, the } T ounger, ob- 
tained a charter from King Charles II., giving Connecti- 
cut jurisdiction over all Southern Narragansett. This 
movement in London was checked and reversed by the 
timely, discreet and vigorous action of John Clarke, our 
agent there. He convinced the King's advisers, the Earl 
of Clarendon especially, of the injustice to Rhode Island, 
in this contemplated extension of Connecticut over her 
territory. Clarke obtained the liberal charter " to hold 
forth a lively experiment," which was adopted by the 
whole colony in 1663. 

This royal patent became the basis of colonial gov- 
ernment and carried Rhode Island through the struggle 
against the Crown of Great Britain. Then the independ- 
ent state went into the American Union, and the Charter 
lasted until 1843. Granting liberty of conscience to its 
citizens, it governed first a remote colonial dependency, 
then a state warring for independence, then a common- 
wealth merged into a great republic. In all, this docu- 
ment stood for one hundred and eighty years, certainly 
establishing a brilliant chapter in political history. 
Whatever the vagaries of the small commonwealth — and 

36 "Mag. Amer. His.," Vol. VI., p. 456. 



70 The Island 

they were many — it pursued an onward political develop- 
ment, proving that an orderly state might exist without 
theocratic control of the individual citizen. Person and 
property were safe. 

Our charter 37 with its fellow given Connecticut in the 
previous year formed a new departure in royal govern- 
ment. The early colonial charters, following the exam- 
ple of Spain, had been commercial adventures. It is at 
least doubtful whether any political initiative was in- 
tended in the incorporation of Massachusetts in 1629. 
Massachusetts assumed such power, organized towns and 
courts, levied taxes and enacted laws for persons and 
property, most efficiently, even if done in a way only 
half legitimate. The American political efficiency — supe- 
rior to every emergency or accident — showed itself in the 
germ. 

Recognizing these great facts, the revolutionary parlia- 
ment, influenced by Vane and the personal persuasion of 
Roger Williams, granted Rhode Island in 1644 splendid 
powers for political initiative and religious freedom. The 
King was very liberal to Connecticut in 1662 and went 
farther in the Rhode Island patent of 1663. In this nego- 
tiation, John Clarke, more practical than Williams, seized 
every opportunity to ally himself with the most liberal 
religious thought of continental Europe, as well as of 
England. There was not religious toleration at home, 
but for his distant colony the King pronounced this ex- 
traordinary manifesto : 38 " Our royal will and pleasure 
is that no person within the said colony at any time here- 
after, shall be anywise molested, punished, disquieted, or 
called in question, for any differences in opinion in mat- 
ters of religion, and do not actually disturb the civil 

37 Brigham, " R. I.," p. 102 et seq. 

38 Cf. " R. I. C. R.," Vol. II., pp. 3-21. 



1663] New Charter Founds Religious Liberty 71 

peace of our said colony . . . any law, statute or 
clause therein contained, or to be contained, usage or cus- 
tom of this realm, to the contrary hereof, in any wise, not- 
withstanding." The divine right of Kings for the nonce 
justified itself, for here was perfect religious liberty be- 
stowed through an executive decree. Simple and natural 
as the King's action appears to-day, it seemed al- 
most revolutionary to statesmen then, as Roger Williams 
reported in plain terms: 39 "This, his Majesty's grant, 
was startled at by his Majesty's high officers of state, 
who were to view it in course before the sealing, but, fear- 
ing the lion's roaring, they crouched against their wills 
in obedience to his Majesty's pleasure." Sagacious as 
Charles was, he built better than he knew, when he al- 
lowed absolute freedom of conscience in the little depend- 
ency of Rhode Island. 

John Clarke laid his topographical lines as skilfully 
as he negotiated politically. Wisely basing his claims 
on title by Indian purchase, he kept the land away from 
Massachusetts and Connecticut, seeking to encroach on 
either side. The north boundary was the south line of 
Massachusetts ; the west along Connecticut and down- 
ward to Pawcatuck river; on the south the ocean includ- 
ing Block Island; the island of Rhode Island and three 
miles to the east and northeast of Narragansett Bay — 
substantially our present territory. Great disputes with 
the larger Puritan colonies concerning boundaries on 
either side, distracted the next half century; but Clarke's 
positions were so well chosen that they held the territory. 

If George Bancroft was correct in affirming that more 

ideas finally becoming national have proceeded from 

Rhode Island, than from any other colony, we should 

consider well the " livelie experiment " in John Clarke's 

39 " Letter to Mason," Narr. Club. Pub., Vol. VI., p. 346. 



72 The Island 

charter. In the process of organization and develop- 
ment, Mr. Foster's dates and definitions are significant. 

1636-41. Providence, Portsmouth, Newport were dis- 
tinct sovereignties. 

1641-47. Providence, Aquidneck, Warwick were dis- 
tinct sovereignties. 

1647-51. Colony Providence Plantations was a dis- 
tinct commonwealth. 

1651-54. Providence, Warwick (the mainland), Ports- 
mouth, Newport (the island), were a distinct common- 
wealth. 

1654-86. Colony Providence Plantations was a distinct 
commonwealth. 

Mr. Richman 40 remarks that Providence disliked au- 
thority from any source. Newport sanctioned authority 
only when it proceeded from itself. Portsmouth was like 
Providence. Warwick varied, but approached Newport in 
theory. 

We dwell on these features not so much for the tech- 
nical divisions, as to mark the distinguishing character- 
istics of the novel ways of state-making. Williams, 
Clarke, Coddington, Gorton all appear in the varying 
life of the towns. The planters, seeking a civic structure, 
forced their will into submission to the larger principles 
of government and gradually methodized a citizenship 
under the royal government. 
40 " R. I.— Its Making," p. 309. 



CHAPTER IV 

THE COLONY AND THE TOWN OF PROVIDENCE. 

1648-1710 

WE may turn back to the story of Providence after 
the adoption of the first charter in 1647, when 
discussions around the town-mill, where there was " a par- 
liament in perpetual session," were developing new com- 
munal life. The first houses about Roger Williams' 
Spring and along the Towne Street without doubt were 
of logs halved together at the corners. 1 Having only 
one room they were roofed over with logs or thatched on 
poles. The chimney was probably of logs, outside at 
the end and plastered with clay. The houses succeeding 
these log huts were similar — they being a single or " Fire 
Room." One end was almost given up to the stone chim- 
ney and cavernous fireplace. These conclusions of 
Isham and Brown correspond with those of Mr. Dorr, 
though the architects investigated independently and by 
different methods. 

There were no larger houses of the comfortable type 
introduced from Connecticut, as we have noted at New- 
port. Mr. Dorr found in the probate records that houses 
until the last decade of the seventeenth century had two 
apartments only, a " lower room " and a " chamber." 
Often there were no stairs, and a ladder communicated. 
Most dwellings were destroyed in 1676 by the Indians, and 
the pioneer work of our plantation had to be repeated. One 
of the most interesting dwellings built about 1653 sur- 

i Isham and Brown, " Early R. I. Houses," p. 16. 

73 



74 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

vived the ravage of King Philip's War, and until our own 
time. It was known as the Roger Mowry house, or tav- 
ern, and recently as the Abbott house. It was a small 
building, and originally had a huge stone chimney. It was 
the first licensed tavern, where town meetings were held 
and the council assembled. Roger Williams gathered peo- 
ple there for worship. 

To enter into this pioneer living we must remember 
that these planters made their habitations and the furni- 
ture chiefly with their own hands. 2 They framed the 
solid chests and tables — rude but strong — which stood on 
the sanded floors. The clumsy but hospitable old English 
settle 3 lifted its high back at the family table ; then by 
the fireplace it afforded a room and partial exclusion from 
the fierce wintry drafts. In summer it was moved out of 
doors, and helped to make the evening cosy and agreeable. 
Regular chairs were a luxury — many having none, some 
possessing one or two. John Smith, the miller and town 
clerk, had four. The inventory of John Whipple, inn- 
keeper, recorded in 1685 " three chaires." The way of 
living and the comforts were such as English yeomen of 
the period enjoyed. There was little table linen. The 
ancient wooden trencher held its place — little disputed by 
earthern ware or " puter." Culinary utensils were limited, 
and the ancient iron pot served in many functions. No 
early inventories carried silver plate or carved furniture, as 
in Massachusetts ; for Providence was striving hard to 
maintain life by agriculture alone. 

Living was very simple, except when some large political 

2 " R. I. Hist. T., No. 15," Dorr, p. 28. 

s " It is, to the hearths of old-fashioned cavernous fireplaces, what 
the east belt of trees is to the exposed country estate, or the north 
wall to the garden. Outside the settle candles gutter, locks of hair 
wave, young women shiver, and old men sneeze. Inside is Paradise." 



1650] Simple Living 75 

question involving colonial administration forced the lit- 
tle community to go beyond its own narrow affairs. 

An ordinance 4 in 1649 compelled every man to mend 
and make good the highway " before his house Lot or 
Lots." Suits at law regulated differences, for the attor- 
ney's fee for preparing a cause and pleading was fixed at 
6s. 8d. ; " if any man will have a lawyer he shall pay Is." 

We have noted the secondary proprietors, who received 
a gift of twenty-five acres, and they are voted in from time 
to time. In 1650 it was enacted 5 that in future all men 
received should pay for their " home-share Is. per acre 
and 6d. per acre for the rest not exceeding twenty-five 
acres." Outside their lots and farms, privilege of pasture 
on the common lands helped the semi-pastoral cultivation. 
Rates were 3d. for cows, Id. for swine and Id. for goats on 
the common, assessed in 1649, and collected by the town 
constable. There was much legislation concerning the 
commons, and in 1650, it was forbidden to take off lumber 
or timber. As the cattle ran in a common herd literally, 
marks identifying the ownership were quite important. 
These were formally enrolled on the records of the town. 
Many only cropped one ear in some way, but others intro- 
duced an elaborate device ; as a crop from the top of the 
right ear, and a halfpenny behind under the ear. Another 
has a flower de luce on the left ear. The sale of liquors, 
to Indians especially, caused constant annoyance and 
tinkering of statutes. Entertainment of travelers and 
strangers seemed to be a burden requiring supervision, 
before taverns were regularly installed and maintained. 
An ordinance in 1650 allowed any one to sell " without 
doores " ; but if " any man sell Wine or strong Liquors in 
his house, he shall also entertaine strangers to bed and 

* " Early Rec," Vol. II., 44. 
5 Ibid, p. 53. 



76 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

board." Notice for sale ankers (10 gaUs.) liquors by 
sundry persons appear from 1656 to 1664. In all 
American hostelry, while the weary and hungry traveler 
might need rest and food, the necessary profit has come 
from the alcoholic thirst of the majority. 

At the only town-meeting when Roger Williams appears 
as moderator June 24, 1655, the sale of wines or liquors 
to Indians was absolutely forbidden, under a penalty of 
six pounds, one half to the informer. 

In 1657 Mr. ffenner was allowed by vote to exchange 
a six-acre lot at Notakonkanit bought of " Goodman 
lippct " for — acres. The distinctions Mr. occasionally 
old English Goodman and Yeoman frequently were used, 
but the differences marking the titles were not altogether 
clear. 

In common names, English uses prevailed. As might 
be expected Gideon, Daniel, John, James, Simon, Zacha- 
riah ; Mary, Rebecca, Esther, Ruth were frequent. A 
person might be denominated or designated by these 
familiar words, but the extraordinary fashion of the Puri- 
tans appeared occasionally. What conceit, fancy or ideal 
spelled out Mahershalalhashbaz ? It might be consid*- 
ered unique, were it not recorded twice before 1680. A 
name preserved through many generations of honorable 
men, according to tradition, marks an event in colonial 
history. Richard Waterman set to keep the garrison at 
Warwick " firmly resolved " to hold out to the last. In 
reminiscence he named his son " Resolved." 6 

The apprentice system was important in this period 
of colonial life. When unkindly fate had left lad or 
girl without parental care, he or she was bound out in 
order to learn. We shall note many interesting examples 
in the life at Portsmouth. In 1659 at Providence 

e Moses Brown MSS., " R. I. H. S." 



1660] Apprentice System 77 

William Field took in charge William Warner, who was 
bound " his Secretes to keep and not to frequent Taverns 
or Ale-Houses, except about my said master's bussenes." 
At the end of his subjection, he was to receive the cus- 
tomary freedom suit of clothing. 

The community of interest and feeling which makes 
a state, appears to have been of slow growth in our plan- 
tation of Providence. Clarke was not fully paid for his 
proper expenses. Roger Williams was obliged to berate 
the town they " ride securely by a new cable and ankor 
of Mr. Clarke's procuring" and refused his just claims. 
In 1660 when the charter had been working a dozen years 
or more, a petition was sent to the commissioners at 
Portsmouth asking release from an assessment of £30 
toward building a common prison at Newport, which 
" will be in no ways beneficiall to us." Moreover, Provi- 
dence was expending £160 for a bridge over the Moshas- 
suck which was completed in 1662. The colony would 
not relieve the plantation from its proper burden and a 
tax for £35 was laid in 1661 to discharge the responsi- 
bility. 

The community of the plantation at Providence grew 
out of the determination of Williams and his near asso- 
ciates to have absolute freedom of conscience. They must 
live, whether worshipping freely or under theocratic 
tyranny as they conceived it. Williams' own views of 
practical government were simple and notably naive, 
whenever he came into conflict with the proprietors. 
Without doubt, he had expected greater practical 
authority in the town than had fallen to him. He at- 
tempted in that time to assert political influence in a com- 
munity which had no religious establishment. Mr. Dorr 7 
sagaciously points out that he expected substantial 
7 " R. I. H. S.," New Series, IV., p. 81. 



78 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

results without due causes. He forgot that a theocracy 
plants its feet on the earth and that the civil power made 
John Cotton the foremost man in Massachusetts. Yet 
Williams in inmost conviction, cared far more for the 
spiritual than for the material conditions of life. This 
appears in most striking form, as he writes his friend 
Major John Mason in Connecticut in 1670. 8 What- 
ever might be his deficiency as statesman and executor of 
civil law, certainly the seer and prophet spoke in him. 

A controversy in the turbulent winter 1654-1655 sug- 
gests much in the development of our early history. We 
should bear in mind that two main parties at this time 
were constantly struggling for control of the town 
meeting. One led by William Harris and Thomas Olney 
represented the Proprietors or original purchasers under 
Williams' " Initial deed." The other led by Roger Wil- 
liams and Gregory Dexter generally consisted of small 
freeholders admitted afterward. 9 All these men had 
resolute wills, while Harris and Olney had much execu- 
tive ability. This difference began early, and for some 
two-score years, disputes growing out of these peculiar, 
differentiated land-titles convulsed the little plantation. 
Many small freeholders believed with Williams that the 
lands bought from the Indians were a virtual trust for the 
whole body of freemen. Proprietors on the contrary held 
that the lands were administered by the central authority 
in town meeting, for the benefit of private owners who 
had paid for them. The economic principle of ownership 
and the larger political motive involved in government, 
did not coincide in practical action. 

Williams was never able to induce the town meeting 
to decide on any definite and particular sale of lands. 

s Ante, p. 9. 

o Cf. " R. I. H. S.," New Series, Vol. III., Dorr, " Proprietors and 
Freeholders." 



1660] Differences of Proprietors and Citizens 79 

The Proprietors insisted on their view and they alone 
acted on such propositions. It appears from Williams' 
own writings 10 that the smaller freeholders came to 
Providence with no clear understanding of their relations 
to the first Proprietors. The " Initial deed " created no 
definite trust. Instead of such legal obligation, there 
was in Williams' mind a moral duty — an inference. In 
the absence of coercive judicial power, this was " the 
weak point of all Williams' machinery." 

The first organization of our Plantation in Providence 
— a voluntary association or " town fellowship," without 
coercive force — was ill adapted for the political regula- 
tion of a community, in which there were many discon- 
tented people. The small freeholders were hazy about 
rights in public property and they fed their goats and 
swine on the common ; taking thence, timber, firewood 
and other supplies. " Common " in Providence was not 
in the legal sense an " incorporeal right " of pasturage 
or other profit on land of another or of the town, but it 
meant unenclosed or nonimproved land claimed by the 
Proprietors. 

There was a process of development going on step by 
step, as was indicated in the twenty-five-acre agreement of 
1645. Then the pressure of Massachusetts and the fear 
of intervention on the part of England, warned both 
proprietors and freeholders that mutual concession must 
be made. Whatever the technical proprietary right 
might be, the sensible forecasting American saw that 
a monopoly could not avail, when the whole institution of 
property was supported only by voluntary association. 
The disputes tended toward settlement, by the creation 
of new classes of citizens, who, though they might be 
lower in property qualification, could vote if respectable. 
io Cf. Mr. Dorr. 



80 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

B}' 1649, there were oxen enough in use to compel the 
dwellers on Towne Streete to make a good highway before 
each estate. In the autumn of 1654 there was a tumult 
occasioned by a voluntary training. The record says 
Thomas Olney, John Field, William Harris and others 
were implicated. In the names reported, we see the pro- 
prietary party, striving for order according to their 
own notion. Those remonstrating: against their action 
sent a paper to the town asserting " that it was blood- 
guiltiness and against the rule of the gospel, to execute 
judgment upon transgressors against the private or pub- 
lic weal." This not only rebuked a particular executive 
act, but would have upset the authority of all civil 
society. These aberrations of his followers drew from 
Williams an expression which the learned and sedate 
Arnold well defines to be a " masterly " analysis of the 
limits of civil and religious freedom. It shows moreover 
that though executive facility might be lacking in Wil- 
liams, the preacher and prophet yielded in him, to the 
greater powers of the civilized man. 

11 This admirable statement sufficiently rebukes the 
main detractors of Williams. A society based on these 
divine principles, could never go far astray though it 
might indulge individual aberrations. A generation 
later, Cotton Mather busied himself in slurring Rhode 
Island for its many social defects. He wrote like one 
blind, who had never seen the light. 

Reinforced by this moral support of Williams, the 
party in power — the proprietors — forebore wisely and con- 
doned the civic offense. It was voted, " that for the 
Colony's sake, who have since chosen Thomas Olney an 
assistant, and for the public union and peace's sake, it 
(the tumult and disturbance) should be passed by, and no 

ii Ante, p. 9. 



1655] Actual Living 81 

more mentioned." 12 Thus, the temperance and com- 
promise of true politics worked itself out, among these 
hardy exponents of the human will. 

The effect of such disputes on practical politics and 
daily living was shown in the matter of Henry Fowler's 
marriage. For the greater part of the seventeenth cen- 
tury, there was so little religious organization that 
banns could not be published before a congregation. 13 
Accordingly, notice of this ceremony, so dear to all Anglo- 
Saxons, was literally civic, and was made to the town 
meeting, June 4, 1655. 14 Fowler was warned to the 
Court to answer for his marriage without due publication. 
He answered that, " the divisions of the town were the 
cause," and the town remitted the penalty. Mr. Dorr 
considers this a " bold and successful answer." 

As bearing on industries we may observe that Thomas 
Olney, Jr., 15 was granted a house lot in 1655 " by the 
Stampers " provided he would " follow tanning." This 
lot gave water power which was not all used until sixty 
years later in 1705. 

There was constant difficulty through sincere effort to 
reconcile communistic (in our phrase) desires with pro- 
prietary rights in the growing settlement. We may well 
study the meager records of divisions of land, so far as 
we can. We remember 16 that in 1645, twenty-five-acre 
or quarter-right purchasers were admitted to " equal 
fellowship of vote " with the first purchasers. This class 
received in every division of land one-quarter part as 

12 Staples, " Annals," p. 113. 

is Marriage was legally a civil contract throughout New England. 
Generally the statutes required the banns to be published at two 
town meetings. 

i4 Early Rec. Prov., Vol. II., p. 81. 

is Dorr, "Planting and Growth," p. 50. 

is Cf. Ante, p. 37. 



82 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

much as a full purchaser. The number of purchasers of 
both kinds never exceeded 101 persons. They were ad- 
mitted at various times on various terms ; the date of the 
last admission cannot be determined. March 14?, 1661-2, 
an act 17 was passed to divide the lands " without the 
seaven mile line." In this outside division the " twenty- 
five-acre men " were allowed each " a quarter part so 
much as a purchaser," paying one-quarter of the charge 
for confirmation. The right arose from " commoning 
within the seven mile bounds," only those having full 
right of commoning within, being equal to a purchaser. 
The grant was allowed on condition that each should 
break up one-half acre of " his home lot before next May 
12 mos." 

The communistic sentiment noted in the original 
allotment, was manifest in various movements for demo- 
cratic equality. The home-lot of five acres, the distant 
meadow or six-acre lot, the " stated common lot," to- 
gether with land-dividends among the proprietors, all 
resulted in numerous small estates, widely separated. 
Economically, the yield was not equal to that of the 
Pawtuxet settlement, where the methods were more like 
those of ordinary pioneers. Pawtuxet for the first eighty 
years, paid nearly as much tax as the much larger Provi- 
dence. And the effect on the future development of the 
plantation was more important and far reaching. While 
the elaborate system of home-lots created strong local 
attachment it cultivated prejudice as well. All the limi- 
tations of farming life, extended into, warped and 
biassed a community, which should have grown into a 
commercial center two generations before it actually did. 
The proprietors clung to every habit and privilege, 
driving the settlement outward and westward, as the 

it "Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. III., 19. 



1655] Life More Social than Religious 83 

expanding commercial life compelled progress of some 
sort. 

Let us remember that, then nowhere in the world per- 
haps were the two greatest motives affecting human 
society at work so freely and practically as in the little 
colony and especially in the plantation at Providence. 
Freedom of conscience and desire for land animated the 
settlers there, and often struggled for mastery. The 
individual sacrifices of Williams, Gorton and the Quakers 
for soul-liberty are well known. 

Religious organization among the planters at Provi- 
dence had little influence until commerce had fairly begun 
in the eighteenth century. Politically the associated 
religionists acted in the town meeting as proprietors or 
freeholders. There was nothing like the direct influence 
of a Puritan congregation, or its indirect movement, 
in what we call public opinion. About twelve families 
sympathized with Williams in forming the early Baptist 
society, but the majority refrained from all religious asso- 
ciation. William Harris, after Williams the most in- 
fluential citizen, belonged to no religious body after 
seceding from the Baptists. Williams kept on with the 
Baptists only about three months, and was known as a 
" Seeker." Mr. Dorr, a conservative churchman, severely 
criticised all these movements, but we must consider his 
facts. 18 He said the worshipers of Liberty had some 
noisy declaimers like Hugh Bewett, and some political 
agitators like Gregory Dexter who were revolutionary in 
England. There were two Baptist churches in Provi- 
dence as early as 1652 ; 19 one of the six and the other 
of the five principle Baptists. The First Church kept its 
continuous life. It differed from the communion in New- 

is " R. I. H. S.," New Series, Vol. III., 204. 
is Staples, " Annals," p. 410. 



84 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

port. July 10, 1681, the record 20 is preserved of a long 
disputation based on scriptural texts between Pardon 
Tillinghast, Gregory Dexter and Aaron Dexter of 
Providence and Obadiah Holmes of Newport. Providence 
contended, whether " repenting believing Baptized Dis- 
ciples are visible members of Christ's body and have right 
to Fellowship breaking of bread and prayer, we deny 
according to our understanding of your sense." 

Political force as embodied in citizens, is necessarily 
wiser and more enlightened than the mere grasp of a land- 
holder. It was obliged to recognize that man as well as 
property must join in making a state, and that actual 
freemen must be encouraged. At an early (unknown) 
date, the suffrage had been restricted to married men. 
The young men — probably then in the majority — were 
discontented under the restriction for nine years. In the 
fifties it was decreed that " all inhabitants not as yet 
accounted freemen should be liable to do service not only 
military but mending roads and like hard work." In the 
mid-century, the plantation had three distinct classes of 
voters not sympathizing, 21 proprietors, quarter-rights 
men, and small freeholders at large. These divisions not 
only marked estates, but social distinction and privilege 
as well. The newest freeholders were smallest in estate 
and least in political influence. Meetings sometimes in- 
cluded proprietors in the same persons. In later days, 
only proprietors could vote on questions involving " com- 
mon lands." 

Inevitably there was political agitation and social 
friction between these varied and variable persons seeking 
liberty and the practical privileges of freemen. Each 
home-circle was a debating school where talk served instead 

20 Moses Brown MSS., Vol. XVIII, p. 247, R. I. H. S. 
2i Staples, p. 218. 



1655] How Politics Were Made 85 

of books to draw out the mind. As an ample fire roared 
in the massive chimney, or a blazing pine knot lighted the 
eager faces, all contemporary history, all theology in 
fixed fate or foreknowledge absolute, was discussed by 
these new Americans. But at the town mill these 
educated wranglers met in more serious controversy. The 
intense English ambition for possessing land, the political 
passion of a freeman, were here exercised in exciting dis- 
cussions. Sometimes opinion degenerated into license, 
as we have noted at the training in autumn 1654. But 
generally questions were threshed out in these whole- 
some if exciting discussions, and were decided in some 
fashion at the turbulent town meeting. 

Manners as well as morals and statutes were matter 
of lively interest. The natural man was disciplined in 
some way, and reduced into new forms of social order. 
To wit " that they that whisper or disturb ye Court or 
useth nipping terms, shall forfeit six pence for every 
fault." More strenuous was it, when if " any man shall 
strike another person in ye Court, he shall either be fined 
ten pounds or whipt." 

We cannot repeat too often, nor mark too forcibly, 
these new and complex modes for educating and evolving 
a citizen ; for forging out a working member of the body 
politic. All these moral and political influences acting 
on the first generations of planters, positively affected 
their descendants. State heredity is even more powerful 
than individual descent. Roger Williams, Gorton, 
George Fox, Coddington and William Harris in the 
seventeenth century, issued in Stephen Hopkins of the 
eighteenth, and Thomas W. Dorr, of the nineteenth. The 
latter, a conscientious patriot in theory, in practice be- 
came a civic rebel. 

The pregnant disputes between proprietors and free- 



86 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

holders were gradually wearing out and a final process 
of economic adjustment prevailed over the crude com- 
munistic theories, which had vexed the life of the early 
plantation. The date is not positive, but about 1665. 22 
A town ordinance laid out a four-mile line within the old 
seven-mile line. A second or " 50 acre division was made 
by lot to every ' purchaser.' " Lime rock was to be left 
in common. As usual, discussion outside had prepared 
the voters for these propositions. The result in town 
meeting was concord and not the strife of old time. The 
day arrived, with no lack of quorum at the inn, where 
the freemen assembled; while intense curiosity preserved 
order. Before formalities began " arose the gaunt and 
picturesque figure of the founder." Williams' stock argu- 
ments against the " usurpation of the proprietors " 
would not hold now, for he was partaking as a " pur- 
chaser." He " witnessed " against the " prophaning of 
God's worship by casting lots." The stalwart prophet had 
nothing more to say of " up streams without limits " or of 
the " fellowship of vote." 

We may note a very interesting episode in crude law- 
making. May 27, 1667, 23 in town meeting a will was 
made for Nicholas Power, who died intestate some ten 
years earlier. Endeavors had been made meanwhile to 
settle the estate under the general laws of the colony ; but 
the widow would not consent and the council had not 
power to compel her. At last a will was made as above 
stated. As Judge Staples 24 remarks, where the power 
was obtained, does not appear, but it was exercised 
repeatedly, not only in Providence, but in other towns, 

22 "Early Rec," Vol. III., 93. 

23 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. I., 31. 

24 " Annals," p. 124. 



1667] The Town Makes Wills 87 

" Wills so made were not simply divisions and distribu- 
tion of the intestates' estate among heirs, but in some 
instances specific bequests and devises were made, and 
estates for life, in tail and fee created, as the council 
supposed the interests of all concerned required." This 
practice continued into the nineteenth century in the 
smaller towns. It was a return to social ethics, when 
the law for individuals failed to award justice. It served 
the time well, and was almost never abused. 

Staples 25 cites in 1662 a privilege given one Hacldeton 
to burn lime, from stone taken from the commons, as the 
earliest notice of that manufacture. The kiln was near 
Scoakequanoisett. All lime rock was for some years 
kept in common, but was ultimately conveyed with the 
lands. Mr. Bowditch thinks lime from shells or probably 
from stone was made as early as 1648. There was little 
lime produced until brick building was introduced a half 
century later. Probably the earliest list of tools belonged 
to John Clausen, a Dutch carpenter, about 1660. 26 
Froe, bench hook hammer, 1| x 1 inch augers, narrow axe, 
hallowing plane, cleaving and moulding do, three other 
sorts, chizells, gouge, three Brest wimble bitts, a joynter 
plane. This list shows the condition of carpentry. Wm. 
Carpenter, an English-bred carpenter, came from Ames- 
bury and built a house for Wm. Harris before 1671 
(probably). 

The authority of the crown was demonstrated for the 
first time, by the visit in 1665 of a royal commission— 
Nicolls, Cartwright and others. The commissioners met 
a better reception than in Massachusetts, and their pro- 
posals for the general guidance of the General Assembly 

25 Staples, " Annals," p. 613. 

26 Field, " Providence," Vol. III., 583. 



88 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

were promptly accepted, as being " in perfect unison with 
the principles of Rhode Island." 27 

Much controversy with Connecticut for possession of 
the Njarragansett country, vexed the colony for several 
years. Connecticut was favored by some of the local 
residents about Wickford and incidentally by William 
Harris. He offended his own colony so much by this 
action that he was imprisoned at Newport and not al- 
lowed bail. He was finally released and restored to office, 
when the Quakers controlled the politics of the colony 
in 1672. 

An indication and permanent sign of progress in the 
plantation was in the erection of Weybosset Bridge in 
1672. This was a great effort for the little community. 
Expedients for a bridge had been maintained by tolls 
from strangers and contributory work from townsmen ; 
one day's work of man and team per year, for each family. 
Roger Williams showed his customary public spirit, 28 
by assuming the burden of the bridge under these con- 
ditions in 1667-8. A committee had previously failed in 
getting support to care for the bridge. 

After Williams and Gorton, the most positive and 
formative influence in early Rhode Island, was the society 
of Friends. The " cruel and sanguinary laws " of Massa- 
chusetts drove out these pilgrims — harmless in our view 
— and they flocked into Newport. Here they found a 
free atmosphere and many people with minds open for the 
reception of their ideas. In England, the seventeenth 
century had gathered from Geneva and Holland the most 
illuminating as well as the most vague doctrines of the 
Protestant faith. Anabaptist and Antinomian — though 
frequently used — were vituperative names, rather than 

27 Brigham, " R. I.," p. 113. 

28 Staples, " Annals," p. 144. 



1672] Quaker Influence 89 

terms philosophical and descriptive. In England and 
America, these floating doctrines were best represented 
by the society of Seekers with which Roger Williams 
finally associated himself. But Williams never could 
formulate his own large conceptions into dogmas capable 
of founding solid societies. 

These elevated incorporeal ideas possessing the in- 
dividual soul were gradually concentrated in the " inner 
light " of George Fox. This asserted a constant com- 
munion of the spirit with its creator — moving independ- 
ent of all constraint and of all ecclesiastical control. 
That mere crotchets should incumber these true spiritual 
conceptions was inevitable. But notwithstanding some 
individual vagaries, the Friends or Quakers as then 
called were an immense influence for good, and especially 
in our colony. As above indicated in treating of educa- 
tion, 29 the Friends self-regulated in themselves were 
especially beneficent in a self-governed community that 
lacked self-control. 

At Newport, the seed sown by Anne Hutchinson had 
prepared ample' growths for the Quaker propaganda. 
In the course of development the Baptist church had been 
separated, a part holding to regular ordinances under 
John Clarke, and others like Coddington and Easton 
adopting Quaker tenets. The great apostle of the 
" inner light," George Fox, visited there in 1672, and 
was the guest of Governor Easton. For the reasons 
stated, he found himself quite at home and the " people 
flocked in from all parts of the island." When he came 
to consider Providence, though it had no established 
church and no hierarchy, he soon discovered theological 
wheels within wheels, and that every man his own priest 
may become a very priestly factor. On his visit there 

29 Ante, p. 68. 



90 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

the reformer said the people " were generally above the 
priests in high notions." They came to his meeting to 
dispute and, in his own words, he was " exceeding hot, and 
in a great sweat. But all was well, the disputers were 
silent, and the meeting quiet." 30 The silence could not 
last long, for the storm was gathering. Williams chal- 
lenged Fox on fourteen points of doctrine; seven to be 
publicly discussed in Newport and seven in Providence. 
Williams rowed himself to Newport in one day — a won- 
derful feat for a man over seventy. Fox had departed, 
but his followers debated with Williams for three days 
and then concluded at Providence. The result was an 
easy victory for each, in the opinion of both. Williams 
summed up in a volume, whose title " George Fox digged 
out of his Burrowes " shows the cheap controversial wit 
of the time. Fox with his disciple Burnyeat replied in 
" A New England Firebrand Quenched." 

The arguments and figures of rhetoric stand to this 
day, but the propaganda then went with the Quakers. 
Men like William Harris in Providence took up the doc- 
trines. A week-day meeting was established in Provi- 
dence in March, 1701, and a " fair large meeting house 
was built in 1704." 31 From 1672 to 1676, the colonial 
politics were controlled by the Friends, and it was mainly 
due to their non-combative policy that the colony was so 
poorly prepared to meet King Philip's War. 

In 1665, the controversy began in 1657, 32 between 
William Harris and the party of freeholders was much 
aggravated, and it lasted until his death in 1681, at 
times convulsing the whole colony. 33 As has been noted, 34 

so Brigham. " R. I.," p. 117. 

si Staples, " Annals," pp. 423, 424. 

32 Staples, " Annals," p. 118. 

33 Brigham, pp. 113-116. 
s* Ante, p. 79. 



1667] Characteristics of Wm. Harris 91 

the Proprietors and Freeholders were generally at vari- 
ance, but these contests involved great personal bitterness 
as well as self-interest. 

William Harris with his brother Thomas came in the 
ship Lyon. According to tradition, the family were 
" harsh and irregular of feature, brawny, resentful and 
pertinacious in temperament, and ?< in speech rasping." 
Harris' own writing is preserved; it is most individual, 
thoroughly his own and is even more difficult of interpre- 
tation than the ordinary chirography of the seventeenth 
century. It is thoroughly elegant, as would hardly be ex- 
pected from the above rendering of the family traits. 35 
Like many strong men of his time, he was educated by 
affairs and not by the schools, had great facility in busi- 
ness and a fair knowledge of English statute law. His 
books 36 were few but useful ; bibles, concordance, diction- 
ary, surveyors learning and legal treatises including Coke 
on Lyttleton, medical treatises, several on " faith," 
" nature's Explecation," " the effect of war," " contem- 
plation moral and devine." Evidently this was a collec- 
tion much used by a busy man of affairs who thought for 
himself. 

The main contention of Harris was that the " initial 
deed " in its clause " up the stream of Patuxet and 
Patuckett without limits we might have for our use of 
cattle " gave not only a right of pasturage, but the 
land in fee simple. To further this the contestants 
bought " confirmation deeds " both for lands and rights 
of pasturage of the degenerate sachems coming after 

35 " He brought to whatever he undertook the resources of a 
great mind and, to all appearance, the honest convictions of an 
earnest soul. On this account he was a more dangerous opponent 
and required stringent measures to suppress the errors of his political 
creed."— Arnold, Vol. I., 262. 

36 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VI., p. 75. 



92 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

Canonicus and MiantinomI, extending twenty miles 
westward from Fox's hill. Roger Williams always 
solemnly protested that possession of the land was never 
intended by the great sachems in the conveyance for the 
" use of cattle." This seems reasonable either in the 
seventeenth or twentieth century. 

In 1667, the quarrel broke out anew in the town meet- 
ing, the factions being led by William Harris and Arthur 
Fenner. The two parties chose contesting delegates to 
the General Assembly. If our forefathers had not report- 
ers and newspapers, they revelled in pamphlets, fiercely 
polemical. The Fenner party issued a most bitter one, 
" The Firebrand Discovered." 37 This fiery distinction 
was a customary title, eminent, but not honorary conferred 
on William Harris. As this contestant was strong in law 
as well as in language, he induced the Governor to call 

" We may cite a few sentences from this dissertation, written 
by Williams doubtless, for they correspond with his statements in 
" George Fox digged out of his burrowes." These phrases show 
the Avay of thinking and method of expression among neighbors in 
the Plantation, " ffirst his nature, he is like the salamander always 
delighting to live in ye fire of contention. 2, his nature qualities and 
conditions doth further appeare, he is a Quarilsome man (beat Adam 
Goodwin, an officer). 3, he is like the raging sea casting forth mire 
and dirt. Men of high degree or lowe degree; he casth on them 
foole, knave, base fellowe, scounderill or the like. 6, you question 
with ahasuerus who is he, we answer with Queen Esther, the enemie 
(Esther, VII., 5-6). The firebrand is this wicked Harris, commonly 
called Mr. William Harris."— R. I. H. S. Col., Vol. 10, p. 78. 

In this Fawtuxet controversy involving Proprietors' interests, a 
whole literature was developed. In 1669 Harris took part by pro- 
testing against a paper presented by Gregory Dexter " an instru- 
ment and a soveren plaister or against our Rights in lands, lawes, 
ye Common law, statut law of England, and our rights in Magna 
Charta soe soundly confirmed by 32 parliaments. ... I not 
only take myself bound to protest against ye said poysonous plas- 
ter but also to complayne of Gregory Dexter for his notoryous 
crime against ye King's law and peace." — " Mr. Harris." — Ibid, pp. 
93, 94. 



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in His Only Service as Town Clerk. 



1669] Warwick's "Impertinent File" 93 

a special session of the General Assembly, which was 
the court also, and lodged a suit against his opposers. 
But the legislative and judicial petard gave him a sorry 
" hoist " ; for the tribunal chose Fenner's delegates from 
Providence, cleared the charges against him, and dis- 
charged Harris from the office of assistant. In addition, 
on petition of the town of Warwick, the assembly fined 
Harris £50. for imposing an extra session on the colony 
in the busy season of the year. Harris was chief of the 
committee to collect from the colony the tax to pay John 
Clarke's expenses in England, while procuring the char- 
ter, and had made himself especially obnoxious to War- 
wick. 

The town of Warwick was particularly delinquent in 
this affair; one of the most discreditable episodes in our 
colonial history. 38 Doctor John Clarke's expenses in 
England, while procuring the royal charter, the secured 
foundation of the colony, had been slowly paid and never 
were fully liquidated. Yet no one deserved more from the 
planters than this esterprising, wise and forecasting 
statesman. Roger Williams berated Providence that, 
they " ride securely by a new Cable and Ankor of Mr. 
Clarke's procuring" and refused his first just claims. He 
wrote Warwick a letter, powerful and befitting in our 
view, 39 but " pernitious " in the view of the town, who 
protested against it unanimously. Warwick had some 
reasons for objecting to its proportion of the tax. But 
these reasons did not prevail with the General Assembly, 
which ordered a letter " to provoke and stirr them up to 
pay." This caused some noteworthy proceedings — 
curious even for Rhode Island. Warwick considered a 
letter from the committee on tax in 1669 " as if it had 

as Durfee, " Judicial History R. I.," p. 124. 
39 " R. I. H. S. Pub.," Vol. VIII., 147. 



94 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

been indicted in hell." Unanimously the town ordered 
the " Clarke to put it on a file where impertinent papers 
shall be kept for the future ; to the end that those persons 
who have not learned in the school of good manners how 
to speak to men in the language of sobriety (if they be 
sought for) may be there found." 40 This sublime cour- 
tesy from a debtor who was arraigned " out of hell " 
might have graced a Chesterfield. This " impertinent 
file " became a customary parliamentary instrument. That 
it was lost, is a misfortune; for its peremptory and excel- 
lent system of classification might have enlightened these 
modern times. In another connection this remarkable 
instrument appears as " the dam-file." 

The disputes of Warwick with the colony were con- 
tingent to the constant controversy of Wm. Harris 
against Williams and his associates. Harris availed of 
every circumstance to push his own polemics. Now in 
1672, he became the ally of Connecticut 41 in her attempts 
to get possession of the Narragansett country. The 
planters there inclined toward the movement of Connecti- 
cut. The government of the colony was changed on this 
issue, the moderate Quakers joining with the Narragan- 
sett planters who favored Connecticut ; Easton becoming 
Governor in place of Arnold. But subsequently the 
people checked this unwise movement, and repelled the 
action of Connecticut. Harris was styled " traitor " and 
imprisoned by his opponents, after the controversial 
methods of the time; but he hardly committed overt 
treason. These transactions in town and assembly meet- 
ings seem very petty now. We are to remember that, 
not only was the citizen uneducated in the modern politi- 
cal sense, but he had much to unlearn that had been 

40 Arnold, I., 336n. 
4i Brigham, p. 121. 



1672] No Tippling on the Sabbath 95 

forced into him by feudal usurpation and ecclesiastical 
oppression. The democrat was coming to his own 
through all sorts of vagaries. The process was petty 
and defaced the body politic on many occasions, but it 
formed a practical working democracy. 

We should notice the social function of the colonial 
tavern, everywhere necessary and nowhere more impor- 
tant than in the little community at Providence. The 
intense individuality of the planter must have some social 
vent and opportunity for expression. The modern club, 
caucus and festive church meeting were anticipated 
mostly in the taverns of the seventeenth and eighteenth 
centuries. 

The first inn in the colony was licensed to William 
Baulston at Portsmouth in 1638. 42 In March, 1655-6, 
the colony passed an ordinance, closing bars at nine 
o'clock. But the Assembly probably found that taverns 
were better regulated by local authority, for in 1686 
all laws relating to excise on liquors, keeping taverns 
and selling arms to Indians were repealed. 

Gatherings at the town mill and later at the better 
taverns afforded a constant round of discussion and gave 
play to social excitement. A very curious sidelight is 
thrown on Providence society by a town ordinance in 
1679. The religious excommunication of Rhode Island 
imposed by the other colonies of New England was so 
severe that the planters were often impelled to impose 
ordinance and law to maintain public decorum. Others 
thought so ill of our colonists it was necessary to show 
that they thought well of themselves. This act enjoined 
employment of servants for labor on the first day of the 
week; all sporting, gaming or shooting was likewise for- 
bidden — simple and proper, civic regulation. But for 

42 Arnold, Vol. I., p. 129. 



96 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

taverns all tippling was suppressed on the Sabbath 
" more than necessity requireth." We may readily 
imagine that a fierce discussion on proprietary rights 
or an evolution of Calvin's institutes might produce a 
stomach ache requiring necessary flip or toddy. 

The acrimony of the town meeting was lighted up by 
an occasional joke. Regulating the Common lands was 
a constant annoyance. Pigs especially disturbed the 
over-burdened administration. In debating an ordinance 
to fence them out, Wm. Harris said, " I hope you may goe 
looke as Scoggine did for ye haare." 43 Scogan's Jest 
Book was one of the most popular chap-books in the six- 
teenth and seventeenth centuries. 

The regulation of traffic in liquors was a constant 
source of trouble. An act July 3, 1663, 44 declared 
some sellers to be so " wicked and notorious as to 
deserve to be Branded with the name of Jaackes 
Cleansers." Circumstantial evidence and the testimony 
of Indians have always troubled jurists. In these cases 
the planters made one positive good out of two possible 
evils. For it was provided at this time that the testi- 
mony of " an Indian, circumstances agreeing with such 
testimony " should convict under the ordinance of 1659. 

In 1675 and the year following, Rhode Island was 
shaken to its foundations and the plantation of Moshas- 
suck at Providence was destroyed for the time. The con- 
centrated Indian uprising known as King Philip's war, 
greatly injured Massachusetts and Rhode Island, while 
it ruined the native Indians. There were grievances on 
both sides, as always when barbarism encounters civiliza- 
tion. Philip and Canonchet in no wise equalled old Can- 
onicus, one of the greatest North American aborigines. 

■i" " R. I. H. S. Col.," Vol. X., p. 75. 
44 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. III., p. 38. 



1675] King Philip's War 97 

We shall never know what might have occurred in the 
thirties, had the Indians resisted the English outright; 
but in the seventies to hurl savages against the solid 
growth of English civilization as Philip did, was simple 
madness. These desperate contests have been amply re- 
corded and we may only refer to the voluminous history. 
Ellis and Moms 45 have shown that the slaughter of the 
Narragansetts at the swamp fight was not as complete 
as was formerly imagined ; but the impairment of the na- 
tion caused by the whole war was thorough. Scanty 
remnants finally settled in Charlestown, leaving the rich 
territory of aboriginal thousands. The mainland, about 
and through which the Indians lived, was a very theater 
of war. The power of government and administration 
of affairs was on the island controlled by the Quakers, 
and it was five times as wealthy as the other plantations. 
Whatever place — and it should be a very worthy place — 
we may assign the Quakers, in the building of individual 
character and in religious development, their function 
and their doings in political government have brought 
failure, wherever their principles have been enforced. Ac- 
cording to Richard Smith, a prominent settler in Narra- 
gansett, " the Governor of Rhode Island being a Quaker, 
thought it perhaps not lawful either to give commission 
or to take up arms ; so that their towns, goods, corn, cat- 
tle were by the savage natives burned and destroyed." 46 
Governor Coddington was old and the ruling citizens 
comfortable, quite willing to rest and be thankful. Mod- 
erate garrisons would have saved Providence, Warwick 
and outlying Narragansett, but the mainland was left to 
sorry fate. 47 Narragansett and Pawtuxet were cleared; 

■is King Philip's War. 

« « R. I. C. R.," Vol. III., p. 51. 

47 Brigham, pp. 125-129. 



98 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

Warwick kept one house, while Providence had not above 
three. 48 

The wretched and monotonous litigation over proprie- 
tary rights and disputing plantations was not lessened 
by conflicting titles, left by the devastation of fire. 
Wrangling disputes over rights to the land continued to 
vex the community for some ten years. 

" Whatever may have been their motive in deserting 
the mainland towns — whether it was political enmity, 
Quaker antipathy against war in general, or a selfish 
desire to preserve their homes — such action did much to 
foster an alienation between the mainland and the Island 
which hindered a united colony growth for many 
years." 49 In 1676 died John Clarke, scholar, physician, 
minister and statesman ; above all a pure patriot. Al- 
ways in public affairs, his " blameless self-sacrificing life " 
left him without an enemy, although in these times strife 
everywhere prevailed. 

Woman, the true helpmate of those days, was not in 
the best position when she was " unattached." The 
maiden, the unmarried female or spinster, was not in the 
best circumstances when she did not spin at her own 
wheel. The wills show many curious arrangements, where 
the maidens were controlled by a rigid family discipline. 

48 Rates assessed in 1678 show the relative conditions of the towns. 
Newport £136, Plymouth £68, New Shoreham and Jamestown 
each £29, Providence £10, Warwick and Kingston each £8, East 
Greenwich and Westerly each £2. 

A flotilla of sloops and boats was employed by the General As- 
sembly to sail around the Island and defend it. " This is the first 
instance in the history of the Colonies where a naval armament was 
relied upon for defence. It was the germ of a future Rhode Island 
squadron, one century later, and of an ultimate American navy." — 
Arnold, Vol. I., p. 409. 

49 Brigham, p. 127. 



1680] Independent, but not Free, Spinsters 99 

Zachary Roades, in 1662, 50 able to give his daughters 
handsome legacies for the time, bound the will of the 
spinsters in summary fashion. To his eldest daughter 
Elizabeth he gave £80 at 21 years, or at marriage. To 
Mary and Rebecca £60 each on same conditions. But, 
if either " shall Marry or match themselves with any Con- 
trary to ye Mind of their mother or of my two overseers 
(executors), then it shall be in their Mother's what to 
give them, whether any thing or No." Independent but 
not free spinsters ; if concord followed there must have 
been some forbearance among those many wills. 

Sometimes consent of parents was advertised in the 
notice of banns. Feb. 1, 1680, 51 it comes from another 
colony, " I, John Wooddin of beverly in the covnty of 
essexe in New England doe not see now anything but 
that lawrence clinton and my daughter may proceed in 
the honorable state of matrimony," cited from the " sec- 
ond publishing." 

The hardest municipal task — beyond early theological 
differences or proprietors' disputes for lands — was in the 
control of sexual immorality. Persons offending in one 
town were handed over to the next en route. June 17, 
1682, 52 Ephraim Prey and Elizabeth Hoyden of Braintree 
were caught in flagrante delictu. The father of the girl 
agreed to remove her with Prey to his home in Braintree 
by June 22, at sunset, or both culprits would have been 
delivered to the next constable (at Rehoboth) " to be 
Conveid to their dwellings." 

In some cases, proceedings were very dilatory. Rich- 
ard Bates 53 appears April 25, 1683, having " a woman 

so « Early Records Prov.," Vol. IV., p. 80. 
si Ibid., Vol. VI., p. 27. 

52 Ibid., p. 43. 

53 Ibid., pp. 100, 107, 113. 



100 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

abideing with you " and both were ordered off July 25. 
With his " pretended wife " he was questioned for con- 
tempt and obtained a stay of execution until Oct. 21. In 
December he was granted further courtesy until March 
31. We can only suppose that the facts were not posi- 
tively as bad as the judgments specify. Meanwhile the 
offenders must have gained some kind of better recogni- 
tion from the neighbors, or this lax procedure would not 
have been allowed. 

Mary Bellowes having come into town with a young 
child and " no bond for town's security," was ordered 
off in four weeks. This sentence was afterward extended 
about 8 months, July 12, 1683. Abigail Sibley, 54 with 
her child, was ordered off. Thomas Cooper published his 
intention of marriage with Abigail, which was forbidden, 
because he had " manifested himself a person infamous 
in that he hath forsaken a sober woman, who is his wife." 
Mistress Abigail, with her child, appears again, Dec. 13, 
" entertained by Thomas Cooper." Her time of removal 
was extended to the first Monday in March, " not to live 
with Thomas Cooper" meanwhile. 

Mr. Dorr notes the increase of creature comforts after 
King Philip's War. Kitchen utensils and other improve- 
ments in the household showed more abundance. Frying 
pans, gridirons, spits and skillets manifested the departure 
from the boiling pot, and to some housewives these utensils 
appeared to be extravagant. Abigail Dexter, adminis- 
tratrix, valued in 1679, " a frying pan, a skillet and other 
trumpery," at 10s. 

There were few candles to burn, some of them being 
made of bayberry tallow. In 1681 the town-meeting for- 
bade making tar from pitchwood beyond ten gallons per 
man for his own use on his own land. Pitchwood was " a 

64 " Early Records Prow," Vol. IV., pp. 109, 114. 



1681] Frying Pans and Pitchwood Light 101 

great benefit for candle light." As naval stores were 
then greatly desiderated in all countries, this shows how 
little the agriculturists appreciated the commercial possi- 
bilities of their own land. 

Tobacco was generally raised by the farmers and ap- 
peared upon the inventories in small quantities. Mostly 
for domestic use, in some instances it was gathered for 
export. Ephraim Carpenter, probably a small shop- 
keeper, had in 1698, 313 lbs. at 3d. £3.18.3. In " cotten 
wooll," which was always coming from the West Indies, 
he had a value of 3s. 6d. Flax was grown as table linen 
became a necessary comfort. Linen-wheels for spinning 
were common. 

Mr. Dorr notes that long after King Philip's War there 
were meetings of the town held under the buttonwood tree 
opposite Crawford Street. 55 

We may note rates of taxation and prices of com- 
modities. In 1663, 56 £36 was levied toward the expenses 
of John Clarke, while procuring the charter in England. 
Pork was received at 28s. per cwt. ; wheat at 4s. 6 per 
bu. ; peas at 3s. 6 ; butter at 6d per lb. In 1664, 57 the 
rate was £130, levied according to the apportionment of 
the General Assembly. Wheat and peas were unchanged 
and pork was at £3.10 per bbl. Horses and cattle were 
received at prices equivalent. 

In 1678-9 58 for a rate of £20, the prices were for oxen 
£4 ; cows and 3 yrs. old, £3 ; horses and mares, 4 yrs. old, 
£3; swine, 15s. ; sheep above 1 yr., 4s. Improved planting 
land was at £3 per acre and vacant land not improved 
3s. per acre. Mr. Richman 59 records the positive fajl in 

55 " Planting and Growth," p. 94. 

56 " Early Records Prov.," Vol. III., p. 91. 

57 Ibid, p. 58. 

ssibidi., Vol. VIII., p. 41. 

59 " R. I.— Its Making," p. 537. 



102 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

prices of food from 1676 to 1686, after the ravages of 
King Philip's War had passed away. Good pork was at 
£2.10 per bbl. ; good beef, 12s. per cwt. ; peas, always a 
staple, 2s. 6. per bu. ; wool, 12d. to 6d. ; butter, 5d. to 6d. 
The abundance of other articles shows agricultural in- 
crease, and the relatively small decline in butter indicates 
a demand produced by more comfortable living. 

Sept. 1, 1867, 60 the rate was £33.9.6. Silas and Ben- 
jamin Carpenter jointly paying £1.3 and Stephen Arnold 
£1.1.10, the highest individual taxes. Oct. 31, 1687, for 
another rate of £16.12.2. Indian corn was taken at 2s. 
per bu. ; rye, 2s. 8 ; beef at three halfpence per pound ; 
pork, 2d. ; butter, 6d. For the rate of £37.12.3 in Au- 
gust, 1688, 61 apparently they had rated more persons or 
had increased the portions of the majority, for Silas and 
Benjamin Carpenter stand at 16s. 9 and Stephen Arnold 
at 17s. 6 ; these magnates being reduced. 

The disputes about land titles between Providence and 
Pawtuxet 62 complicated the struggles of Proprietors and 
Freeholders, besides creating every possible difference 
among the direct contestants. Suit and cross suit, writ 
of ejectment with timid ineffective service, embarrassed 
these times and convulsed the community. The vigorous 
William Harris generally got his verdict, but failed in 
obtaining practical execution from the feeble adminis- 
trators of law. This shows that public sentiment leaned 
against him. 

We ought to look into the " Plea of the Patuxet Pur- 
chasers," before the King's Commissioners, Nov. 17, 
1677. 63 This whole document illustrates the curious 

eo « E. R. Prov.," Vol. XVII., p. 103. 
Mlbid., p. 12. 

62 Arnold, Vol. I., p. 432-438. 

63 " R. I. H. S. Pub.," Vol. I., 185 et sea. 



1681] Captivity of Harris 103 

compound of English law and judaic interpretation which 
prevailed in the mind of New England ..." The 
said discomposed Soules that so Object, do not believe 
such a bound. If any, my Charity toward them, as to 
their Actions or wisdom not being so simple in doing as 
Saying." The essential argument is given in summing 
up. " That the words (might have for our use of cat- 
tle) doth give a property in a sound sense by words of 
Scripture 35 of Numbers and 3d verse, ' And the City's 
shall they (have) to dwell in and the suburbs of them 
shall be for their Cattle.' Verse 3d." 64 This was the 
outcome of the simple privilege " up streams for cattle " 
given by Canonicus to Roger Williams. 

But in this fishing upstream for land, both parties 
went into muddy waters according to Mr. Richman. By 
" erratic and erring process in the field " seeking " where 
is the head of the Wanasquatucket," Roger Williams and 
Arthur Fenner in 1678 surpassed William Harris " that 
master of tergiversation at his own game." 65 

At Christmas in 1679, Harris, in pursuit of " more 
specific execution," went to England for the fourth time. 
On his passage he was taken by Algerine corsairs, who 
were even more ferocious than the Christians of the six- 
teenth and seventeenth centuries. In the summer of 1681, 
he was ransomed, released and went to London, where he 
died in three days from debility induced by his captivity. 
The ransom was mainly paid by the colony of Connecti- 
cut, for which he was acting abroad in the disputed Nar- 
ragansett boundary. The ransom was afterward repaid 
by his family. In 1680 he wrote, " Deare wife and Chil- 
dren let us Cast our Care on god without distracting 
feare, thouh I should here dy yet god lives, and I am not 

e* " R. I. H. S. Pub.," Vol. I., p. 211. 
65 " R. I. H. S. Col.," Vol. X., p. 19. 



104 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

without hope but that I may see you againe, let us pray 
fervently and Continually to god that is able to deliver 
and soe I commend you all to god all way." 66 

Could there be a more pathetic situation? Bad, as 
were the greedy claims and angry quarrels of Pawtuxet 
and Providence — the barbaric Saracen was worse. And 
the fierce individual contestant out of this turbulent 
colony, was nevertheless in his heart the gentle Christian 
father commending all to his heavenly Father in pure 
faith. 

Mr. Richman 67 has studied the Harris and Williams 
controversy in every detail and probably knows more 
about it than any one. He is severe in his view of Harris. 
Let us quote the words of Arnold, whose judgment cannot 
be neglected, " Thus perished one of the strong men of 
Rhode Island. He filled a large space in the early history 
of the Colony, as an active, determined man, resolute in 
mind and vigorous in body, delighting in conflict, bold in 
his views of the political dogmas of his time, fearless in 
his mode of expressing them, striking alwa} 7 s firmly, and 
often rashly, for what he believed to be the right. His 
controversy with Roger Williams was never forgotten, 
and scarcely forgiven, by either of these great men, and 
presents the darkest blot that rests upon their char- 
acters." 68 

Mr. Dorr's general view of these differences and con- 
flicts is just; for the system was more at fault than the 
men. Lack of legal knowledge, still greater lack of judi- 
cial organization and executive power, inevitable in a 

es " R. I. H. S. Col.," Vol. X., p. 321. 

67 Cf. " R. I. H. S. Col.," Vol. X., pp. 11-127, for his study with 
original documents. 

68 Arnold, Vol. I., p. 437. 



1681] Ignorance Made Disputes 105 

colony forced by circumstances into irregular existence ; 
noble motives struggling with ordinary greed and necessity 
of living — all these compelling forces produced the disputes 
of Providence Plantation, too often ending in a quarrel. 60 
But let us not dwell on these minor shadows. These in- 
dividuals were great as a whole, if faulty in detail, and 
they wrought even better than they knew. While recog- 
nizing the smaller defects, let us cherish the grand result. 

In the years 1677 and 1678 — contemporary with the 
withdrawal of Harris — there occurred the deaths of three 
most prominent citizens. Samuel Gorton, 70 one of the 
most remarkable " men that ever lived," passed away. 
With the vision of a seer, his mental astuteness, his scrip- 
tural learning, his deep reverence for established law, 
made of him an extraordinary conserving radical. 

Quite unlike was Governor Benedict Arnold, who had 
lived at Newport twenty-five years, removing there from 
Providence. He was not moved by the arguments of 
George Fox and followed John Clarke politically, op- 
posing the usurpation of Coddington. President of the 
colony under the patent, he was named governor in the 
second charter, and was elected by the people seven times. 
The confidence of his constituents proves his integrity 
and political sagacity. One act alone — his reply to the 
inhuman and arrogant demand of the United Colonies, for 

go Cf. Chief Justice Thomas Durfee, " Judicial History," p. 18. 
The influence of Newport in the early history of the State has not 
been appreciated. The rest of the colony was very heterogeneous, 
the home of soul-liberty being the home of rampant individuality. 
Newport had " higher civic or communal sentiment, a more educated 
public spirit, a profounder political consciousness." The best law- 
yers, ablest politicians and public men lived there. Sectional, local 
" Rhode Island men " broadened out at Newport, as government 
went on. 

to Ante, p. 40. 



106 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

the expulsion of Quakers from Rhode Island, 71 — would 
give him a high, permanent place in history. 

Governor William Coddington died in office. As he 
built the first brick house in Boston, so he laid the founda- 
tions of Newport on a solid basis, being pioneer in her 
commerce. In his course as judge, he probably made 
the first code of laws, which lasted for generations, and 
without which we may safely assume, Rhode Island never 
could have been developed. Rut in the significant words 
of a judicial descendant, " he had in him a little too much 
of the future for Massachusetts, and a little too much of 
the past for Rhode Island, as she then was." 72 This ten- 
dency resulted in the vagary of " Usurpation." He be- 
came a Friend and in his latter years was again active in 
public affairs, in a legitimate way. As we have noted 
above, 73 Rhode Island owes him a great debt. 

When life was monotonous and news-prints were un- 
known the talk of Towne Streete was of constant in- 
terest. Beyond this, scandal, slander and gossip too often 
filled the air and occasionally went on record. August 
27, 1684, 74 S. Bennett was obliged to retain John Whip- 
ple, Jr., an attorney to defend him against the suit of 
Bridget Price. In September, Bridget signing with an 
X declares that the said Bennett in his own home charged 

her with being " a thiefe, a , and a vagabond." Even 

Boston furnished its share to these proceedings, for 
Thomas Clarke in " his pewtour's shopp " there, had an al- 
tercation with one Mary Brattle (not connected with 
Brattle Sq. probably) and followed her to Providence, 
where he arraigned her through the busy attorney Whip- 

71 " R. I. Col. Rec," Vol. I., pp. 376-380. 

72 C. J. Job Durfee, " Historical Discourse," p. 16. 

73 Ante, p. 64. 

74 " E. R. Prov.," XVII., p. 41. 



1683] Marital Proceedings 107 

pie, Nov. 24, 1684. 75 Whipple deposed for Clarke that 
in the said shop Mary Brattle demanded the " key of a 
house of office." Clarke refused and Mary gave him 
" very Taunting speeches." In answer, Clarke said, 
" prateing hossey." Then Mary called Clarke " Beg- 
gers Bratt, and Cheate, and sayd shee kept a better man 
to wipe her shoees." Then the said Clarke bid her get 
out, " for yov are prateing hossey, for yov had need to 
have had a hundred pounds Bestooed upon you at a 
boardeing scoole ; to learn manner and breeding then shee 
ye said Brattle called ye sayd Clarke Rouge and soe went 
out of ye shopp." The views of Clarke on education in- 
dicate the standard of culture prevailing among Boston 
pewterers. 

However simple the social proceedings of the planta- 
tion, man and woman were sometimes unaccommodating 
in their vital intercourse. Whatever Margaret Abbott's 
faults may have been, her explicit consort Daniel shines 
forth in no favorable light. Aug. 7, 1683, 76 Abbott 
records his woes. " Through her Maddness of folly and 
Turbulency of her Corrupt will, Destroying me Root 
and Branch, putting out one of her owne Eyes to putt 
out Both mine. And is since departed takeing away my 
Children without my Consent and plots to Rifle my house 
to accomplish her Divelish Resolution against me." 

The spirit of peace hovered over another couple even 
in temporary estrangement. In this methodical fashion, 
they wore no sackcloth, but coming before their towns- 
people, they laid these substantial foundations for new 
marital relations. It is to be hoped that gay Cupid 
smiled on sober Justice, Dec. 29, 1699. 77 Agreement be- 

75 « E. R. Frov.," XVII., p. 53. 

76 Ibid, Vol. XVII., p. 37. 
v Ibid, Vol. V., p. 9. 



108 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

twecn George Potter of Mashantatuck and Rachel his 
wife. She had with his " Consent and in hope of More 
peaceable liveing withdrawne herselfe and removed to 
Boston for sometime ; and now finding it uncomfortable 78 
so to live and I being desireous to Come together againe, 
doe here for her further in Couragement and to prevent 
after Strifes and Alienations propose these Artickles. 
1. She has given some things to her children. I shall 
never abraid her or seek a return to them. 2 ly . Our house 
and land, if I dye before my wife she shall have it during 
widowhood and bearing my name. In case of Marriage, 
she shall enjoy 1-3, other 2-3 to my nearest Relations — 
at her decease her 1-3 to return. 3 Iy . I will not Sell or 
Mortgage any house or lands. 4 ly . I promise to dwell in 
all loveing and quiet behavours. All Moveables as Cattell 
and household goods vessels or Boates she shall possess 
solely at my decease." 

The wife on her part appreciated such liberal treat- 
ment and showed that she was not making a merely 
formal or ineffectual contract. 

" 5 ly . I Rachell Potter if it appear I have disposed of 
more than one bed since our departure, said bed shall be 
returned." 

In treatment of the poor, especially those fallen from 
a better estate, the finest qualities of the planters stood 
out in full relief. The support of the poor caused a sub- 
stantial portion of every rate assessed. Once within the 
town, the poor were well cared for, though the burghers 
were constantly struggling against tramps, vagabonds 
and persons whom they did not choose to admit as citizens. 

78 Mark the delicate variations and subtle suggestion in this re- 
newed courtship. Both " uncomfortable " and he ready to give 
further encouragement. Modern Newport might learn some things 
of old Providence. 



1683] Treatment of the Poor 109 

However illiberal or undesirable this municipal hostility 
appears to be now ; then it seemed to be the only mode of 
ruling a plantation. 

We cannot follow in detail the administration of par- 
ticular cases, though they are interesting and often 
pathetic. A negro, not enslaved, had rights, for Samuel 
Reep's servant appealed to the town, Feb. 19, 1672, 70 
Reep having refused to " Receue him or Releaue him for 
his presant nessety." John Joanes 80 frequently appears, 
declining into the vale of years, and always as " our An- 
cient Neighbour." Dec. 24, 1677, repairs were ordered 
for his house to make it " comfortable for the winter." 
Nov. 24, 1680, the same ancient neighbour is allowed 
maintenance according to " his minde and will." The old 
gentleman's will could still prevail over the committee, for 
he repudiated their arrangement Dec. IS, and asked for 
an inventory of his estate. In April the poor " neigh- 
bour " submitted to the inevitable resigning estate to the 
town. House and lot were sold by " inch of ye Candle, 
highest bid, £17.6- May 3, 1684. 81 His inventory showed 
£8.4.1, of which £2.4. was in wearing apparel. Jan. 27, 
1682-3, Joseph Smith received a grant of forty feet square 
on Towne Streete — as they were constantly being made — 
on condition that he lay a row of " steping's stones along 
the fence of John Joanes' lot." 

Wm. Harris died in London, but we may cite from his 
inventory, January 21, 1681, 82 some items which are 
interesting from every point of view. He had a story 
and a half house, with many barns and cribs well stored 
and perhaps the largest estate in the colony, leading a 

79 " E, R. Prov., Vol. VIII., pp. 23, 88, 89, 123. 

so ibid, Vol. III., p. 227. 

s^ Ibid, Vol. VI., p. 122. 

82 " Early Rec. Prov., Vol. VI., p. 75. 



110 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

most active and enterprising life. Pewter was the main 
article in the outfit of table and kitchen, and his stock was 
worth £2. 0. 4., including syringe at 5s. 6d., and a cham- 
ber pot at Is. 6d. These durable conveniences were com- 
mon and in this instance coincided in value with a copper 
candlestick. This metal was unusual, and the por- 
ringer — a dish so much used in pewter — stood at Is. 
Brass kettles and candlestick £1. 0. 6-, and this metal as 
well as iron was used in almost every kitchen ; there was 
also wooden and earthen ware. We have referred to 
Harris' library, which was then far better than that of 
the ordinary man of affairs. Fortunately, the list may 
be given in detail. 1 Dixonary 6s. ; London Despencet- 
torey 8s. ; Chururgion's mate 10s. ; Norwood's Tryangles 
5s. ; 1 Bible 2s. 6d. ; 1 Great do 5s. ; 1 Contemplations Mor- 
all and devine 2s. 6d. ; Cooke's Commentarey upon little- 
ton £1. (this was given to Thomas Olney) ; The Compleat 
Concordance Clarke 8s. ; Touchstone of wills 2s. ; "3 bookes 
Is. — 1 naturs Explecation; 1 treatise of faith; 1 ye effect 
of warr; 5 books 6s. — Gentleman Jockey, Gospel Preacher, 
New England Memorial, Method Physic, Introduction 
Grammar, Lambath's perambulations, not valued ; Statute 
poulton £1. 15. ; Declarations and Pleadings 3s. ; The 
Executors Office 2s. ; Exposition law terms 2s. ; layman's 
lawyer 2s. ; Saw juryers Is. 6d. ; Justice Restored Is. 6d. ; 
Dallon's Country justice 5s. A set of surveying instru- 
ments. 

A collection of books in a community where they were 
scarce; it was very strong in law, moderate in theology 
and ethics, sufficient in medicine and surgery, useful in 
surveying; altogether the mental nutriment of a powerful 
citizen who touched life on all sides. 

As Wm. Harris was in the way of the time a statesman, 
Thomas Olney, called Senior in distinction, was a poli- 



1683] How the Planters Lived 111 

tician and manager of men. One of the original thirteen 
proprietors with Williams and Harris, the first treasurer 
of the town ; he was often town clerk, when the clerk was 
the mainstay of order, and of such propriety as prevailed. 
He was very acrimonious in the dispute with George Fox 
and the Friends. His disputation mingled politics with 
doctrine in a manner worthy of an ecclesiastic. He was 
always prominent in the affairs of plantation and colony. 
October 9, 1682, 83 his inventory showed the moderate 
personal estate of £78. 9. 5., of which only £3. 17. was in 
wearing apparel. There was a change in the dress of 
this class of citizens in the next score of years. In the 
pioneer period and until after King Philip's War, the 
planters were homely in all their habits of life. Brass 
was represented in 3 kettles £1. 6- ; in a candlestick and 
other articles 5s. Pewter dishes £1., with 1 dozen trench- 
ers 6d. The furniture was meager, 2 old joynt chairs 
and a joynt stool 3s. 6d. ; 1 great chair Is. ; 1 " fourme " 
6d. ; 1 small table 4s. There was no loom or spinning 
wheel, but considerable evidence of home-made cloth. As 
2f yds. Carsey 13s. ; 10^ yds. blanketing £1. 5. ; 4 yds. 
woollen homespun 7s. ; 24 yds. home-made cloth 4s. 2d. 
Almost 2 yds. white fulled cloth 4s. Dry hides, includ- 
ing what Thomas Olney took to tan ; £2. 14. in money 
and 4 cows at £10. Evidently he farmed only for his 
own household, and commingled other interests, as in tan- 
ning, weaving, etc. He did not read as Harris did, for 
his library was small, even in a small environment of 
books. One bible 4s. ; 3 old pieces bible 2s. Three 
books — Ainsworth's Annotations, a Concordance, " fisher's 
Ashford Dispute " — were valued at £1. 10. Though 
church connections were few and not very binding, the 
Scriptures were clearly used in a practical way. In the 
S3 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VI., p. 90. 



112 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

dearth of printed matter, pieces and bits of Bibles and 
Testaments were appraised in many inventories. 

In the same month passed on John Smith, the miller; 
not so conspicuous or famous, but an influential factor 
in the communal life of the early plantation. Before 
there was a room of size in a dwelling, or a tavern to 
accommodate loiterers and talkers, the town-mill gath- 
ered a throng who discussed the whole affairs of those 
concerned — political, religious, or social. Seated on bags 
of grain, they did not mind the rumbling of the stones, as 
they disputed and threshed out matter for a future town 
meeting. John Smith, of the widely extended name, hos- 
pitable and hearty, must have made happy the early 
townsmen assembled for these rare opportunities. His 
estate was £146. 5. 3., 84 the corn-mill, house over it and 
all appertaining was valued at £40; one-seventh part of 
the saw-mill adjoining £3. 10. The furnishings were sim- 
ple, 2 bedsteads and bedding £2. ; 1 do and bedding " in 
ye lower Roome " £3; Brass and copper kettles £2. 16.; 
2 tubs and tobacco 5s. 6d. Flax 10s. Cattle with 2 
mares, 3 young horses, 16 swine £22. 9. " Ye Booke of 
Martirs " 15s. Old bible, " some lost and torne, 9d." 

In 1683, died Roger Williams the founder. He built 
the state even better than he knew — and his knowledge 
was great for his time and opportunity. The principles 
he conceived and set forth were larger than any man ; as 
the centuries have shown. 

An important function in the early life of New Eng- 
land lay in the making of apprentices ; binding out a 
minor to learn an " art or mystery." When children 
were bereaved, it often created a temporary home for a 
waif, and finally gave him capacity for a good livelihood. 

After the vocation of a smith, one of the greatest 
84 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VI., p. 72. 



1683] The Art of Weaving 113 

needs was for a weaver. Cloth making was carried on in 
nearly every household, and sometimes experts went about 
using the family looms. Again, there were shops for 
weaving yarn taken from farmers who carded their own 
wool and spun it on domestic wheels. 

July '3, 1674, 85 there appears a name well known in 
textile industry. Moses Lippitt, with the consent of his 
father-in-law, Edward Sairle, and Anna Sairle, his mother, 
was apprenticed to William Austin for fifteen and one- 
half years and two months to learn the " art and trade " 
of a weaver. There were the usual covenants and at 
majority he was to have his freedom and "two sufficient 
Suites." If Austin should die, he could assign Lippitt 
for the balance of his term. 

March 30, 1696, John Sayles took Job Liddeason for 
14 years, who promised to keep his master's secrets, not 
to contract matrimony, nor frequent taverns or ale houses, 
nor absent himself night or day. Sayles on his part was 
to give the " Nessessaryes to an apprentice doth belong " 
and to " endeavour to learne him to Read and write." 88 

Jan. 11, 1708-9, 8T Thomas and Hannah Joslin took 
Jerusa Sugars from her mother; who was to pay them 
£8 in silver and 40s. in a yearling heifer. The payment 
was changed Jan. 20 to £10. silver. The child was about 
one year old, and was to receive sufficient board, lodging 
and apparel for a servant. The Joslins were " carefully 
her to keepe " and to learne " the said Jerusa Sugars the 
art and mistry of a Tailor, well and sufficiently to make 
apparill both for Men and Women and to learne her to 
Read well." At eighteen years of age, she was to receive 
two sufficient sutes." 

85 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. V., p. 292. 

86 Ibid, p. 147. 
st Ibid., p. 18. 



114 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

Richard Arnold in his will, 1708, directed his son 
Thomas to free the negro Tobey in February, 1716-7, 
when he would be 25 years of age, and should receive two 
suits of clothes. 

Nov. 25, 1687, 88 Gideon Crawford, a Scotchman, was 
granted liberty to " Reside and here to follow his way of 
dealeing in goods." This was a memorable event, 
for he was the first to develope an orderly trade 
among the not too liberal planters of Providence. Com- 
merce was not unknown, for William Field, in his 
will, May 31, 1665, 89 gave to his " cousin Thomas now 
at Providence, all that Cargo that is now upon sending 
to the Barbados." And in further bequest gave to his 
wife " that which is as Yett coming to me from the Bar- 
bados." But the traces of exports are few, and though 
Mr. Dorr excludes them altogether in his view of indus- 
trial progress in the latter seventeenth century, commerce 
prevailed, if it was not important. The community pur- 
sued agriculture too closely, and suffered from the con- 
tracted ideas prevailing in consequence. It was not until 
1711, when Crawford and his imitators had taught the 
value of enlarged intercourse with the world that Nathan- 
iel Browne established ship-building at the head of the 
" Great Salt River." 

The most definite account of Rhode Island exports ap- 
pears in William Harris' testimony in London before Sir 
J. Williamson, 90 in 1676. This was carried on from 
■Newport, but Providence must have profited indirectly 
through the demand created for produce. There were 
more sheep in Rhode Island than anywhere in Nlew Eng- 
land. Wool was exchanged with France for linen. Deer- 

ss " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. V., p. 170. 

so Ibid, Vol. VII., p. 225. 

so « Col. Br., State Papers, 1675, 1676," pp. 221, 222. 



1683] Character of Exports 115 

skins, sugar, and logwood went to England for cloth and 
iron ware. Horses, beef, pork, butter, cheese, flour, peas, 
and biscuit went to Barbados for sugar and indigo. 
There was " a great trade " in cod, haddock, and mackerel 
with West Indies, Barbados, Spain, and the Straits. I 
think much of this fish came from Massachusetts in ex- 
change for West India goods. He mentions obtaining 
linsey-woolseys and other coarse cloths from Massachu- 
setts. 

Citizens of another sort were admitted occasionally, 
though many were refused. William Ashly and his wife 
were driven out from " Wels " by Indian depredations 
to Boston. Then they came to our plantation, where 
Abraham Hardin permitted them to unload their house- 
hold goods, " which I took to be a loving-kindness in dis- 
tress." 91 He asked for a habitation in 1693. 

The Indians, though much weakened, were a factor and 
caused alarms in the quiet life of the plantation. April 
23, 1697, 92 there had been " a late in Curtion and inva- 
sion by the Cruel and Barbarous Indian Enemies." The 
Council appointed twenty prominent citizens to com- 
mand ten men each, and to " scout, kill and destroy." 

We have noted the political organization of govern- 
ment under the charter. Quite as important was the char- 
acter of the judicial system introduced then. 93 The chief 
uX officers were a President and four assistants — one from 
each town — making a General Court of Trials for the 
Colony. This was the origin of our present Supreme 
Court; lesser tribunals appealing to it. As showing the 
curious interplay of English legal procedure, with the 
planters' notions of independence and town government, 

si " Early Rec. Prov., Vol. XVII., p. 146. 

92/fcid, p. 163. 

93 Durfee, "Judicial History R. I.," (Tracts), p. 11, et seq. 



116 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

there had been a mingling of the head officers of a town 
with the Court, and they had sat together. This was 
remedied after 1647 by rules " to add to the comely and 
commendable order of the Court." 

The General Assembly had full governmental powers, 
and consisted of the Governor, Deputy-Governor, ten as- 
sistants, and a body of deputies The deputies, or house 
in modern parlance, were a purely legislative body ; the 
Governor, Deputy-Governor, and assistants (senate) had 
magisterial duties as well. After the old court became 
mainly a tribunal for appeals, the new court exercised 
original jurisdiction. 

In 1749 a change in organization was effected. From 
the Governor, Deputy and ten assistants, five judges, a 
chief and four associates were selected. In 1781 final 
separation was made between legislature and judiciary, 
for members of either house of the Assembly were for- 
bidden to sit as justices of the Supreme Court. 

The earlier judges included Roger Williams, Samuel 
Gorton, John Clarke; not lawyers, but men of broad cul- 
ture for the time. Perhaps they were quite as useful in 
a common world as the strictly trained Puritanic jurist, 
steeped in Judaic precedent and tradition. The whole 
system was a local and essential outgrowth of the soil. 
The orderly sense of law, transported with every English 
immigrant, was incorporated with an intense individual 
desire of the citizen to imprint his own ideal of immediate 
justice on every public act. Some of the most vital issues 
of Rhode Island life — potential for good or evil — were 
bora just here. 

We should note that this remarkable creation of a sub- 
stantial judiciary out of very rough material, which 
worked out justice according to English law, was accom- 
plished by men outside the lines of Catholic or Protestant 



1683] Humane Proceedings in the Courts 117 

education. Churches do much good, as well as some 
ecclesiastical harm. In Massachusetts and Connecticut 
they educated the people. Outcast Rhode Island must 
educate itself, not by academic forms, but through the 
business of a hard, stringent life. A university was impos- 
sible, but nature lived and moved all about these men. 
After all, to do is better than to construe or to imitate. 
William Harris, Thomas Olney, Arthur Fenner, Pardon 
Tillinghast, the cooper-preacher, and many less conspicu- 
ous, took and assimilated life from the kernel. 

A record book of the " Ancient Court of Last Resort " 
has been preserved fortunately at Newport. 94 All the 
cases are curious and some indicate remarkable efforts to 
apply a large humane spirit to the inevitable burdens of 
the law. In the period 1672-1678, Stephen Sabeere, of 
Newport, obtained judgment against Wm. Blandin £7. 
14. 6. N. E. silver. However modern civilization may 
err in treatment of the debtor, its humane intention is a 
great gain over the severity prevailing two centuries since. 
In the procedure with Blandin, clumsy though it was, the 
Court was trying sincerely to distinguish between a disas- 
ter and a crime. It laid down the general proposition 
" poor persons that have not to pay their debts, shall 
not lie languishing in prison." The Court adjudged, 
considering " the debtor's poverty, and creditor's due 
debt, not for profuse expenses, but for diet for himself 
and wife, do order." Blandin was to work out his debt 
" on carpentry upon this island, being boarded by the 
creditor." And there were minute provisions for valuing 
work and trading in Sabeere's timber to help " work out." 
Altogether, it was a careful finding of justice in the con- 
crete, and in advance of the times in procedure, whether 
of Massachusetts, Connecticut, or England. 

9* Durfee, p. 124, et seq. 



118 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

Indictments for the " vague misdemeanor denominated 
contempt of authority " were common. Theft was 
severely punished. Uriah Clemence, for stealing a watch, 
was sentenced to be " severely whipped and if the fine of 
£12. be not paid " the general treasurer was directed to 
" sell him for a servant for the full term of 7 years." 
It was the custom of the time to impose heavy fines, and 
the alternative of servitude was occasionally enforced. 
Whipping was imposed for various crimes, and the pun- 
ishment for theft generally included a twofold restoration 
of the property. There are traces of the Talmudic 
method, in trying to pry into the intention of an offender. 
Sexual offenses prevailed abominably ; thirteen indict- 
ments being recorded in one term, 1672. The same ten- 
dency appeared in other colonies, especially on the rec- 
ords of Plymouth. As Judge Durfee remarks, they were 
largely due to the " vacuity of life." 

The execution of the law appears to have been quick- 
ened in general about 1685. 95 In Providence the " towne 
was destitute " of stocks. It ordered Samuel Whipple 
to provide lumber and John Dexter to finish them. In 
1687 Anne Waters, a married woman, was " transported " 
for felony. The care of her young child was assumed by 
the town. 

In 1684 and 1685 there appears an interesting instance 
of law changed and formed anew out of public opinion, in 
the loss of Wm. Dyre's suit. A public officer, he had 
seized the estates of eight Jews for " alienage," but the 
verdict was rendered for the defendant Jews. The Jews 
petitioned the General Assembly for relief. It voted that 
they " might expect as good protection here, as any 
stranger, not of our nation, ought to have, being obedient 
to ' the laws.' " As the Jews had been most useful resi- 
95 "Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VIII., pp. 142, 174. 



1684] Development of the Judiciary 119 

dents largely engaged in commerce at Newport for more 
than thirty years, their questionable position under the law 
shows the generally eccentric treatment of this remarkable 
race. 

We may cite the words of C. J. Thomas W. Durfee, 96 
whose learned, calm, and judicious conduct in its turn, 
duly contributed to the results achieved. " Step by step 
the judiciary has gone on gradually consolidating and 
developing itself to answer to the growing and varying 
needs of the state. Our ancestors held that a judiciary 
like any other political institution exists not for itself, but 
for the work which it has to do. Such a growth is accord- 
ing to the law of evolution, by progressive adaptations." 

In 1663 the proprietors passed an ordinance reserving 
106 acres land for the maintenance of a school. It does 
not appear that action followed. The first schoolmaster 
was Wm. Turpin, who became representative to the Gen- 
eral Assembly in 1722; town clerk in 1727. June 11, 
1684, he agreed to furnish Peregrine Gardner with board 
and schooling for one year for £6. The record referred 
to the grant of land for the " use and benefit of a school- 
master," which was the " occasion of my settling at this 
town." He maintained the "worthy art of learning," 
but there was no transfer of land. In 1694 John Dexter 
and others obtained a grant for a schoolhouse on Dexter's 
Lane (now Olney Street), but no action is recorded. 
Judge Staples 9T found no evidence of a public school in 
the seventeenth century. 

Soon after the middle of the century, planters built a 
" house in the woods," even when they had regular resi- 
dence in town. Arthur Fenner 98 has a house of this kind 

S6 « Judicial History," p. 153. 
9T " Annals," pp. 492-494. 
98 Isham and Brown, p. 24. 



120 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

in 1655 at Cranston, near the village of Thornton. After 
King Philip's War he could safely build a comfortable one 
in 1677 ; and the first shelter probably survived in the lean- 
to. The first type of houses described on Towne Street, 
in the period of building toward the end of the century, 
grew along the ground, before rising into a full second 
story. Generally there were four apartments. Chimney 
in the center or at the side, and more or less chambers. 
There were also a few narrow ones of two stories, with two 
rooms on each floor, a garret above and a leanto. Thomas 
Olney, one of the most wealthy planters, dying in 1682, 
had a " parlour," a kitchen " and chamber." " There 
were evidences of comfort, not only in the massive chim- 
ney and occasional end wall, but in windows placed irregu- 
larly, yet showing better — the active life therein. 

It is unfortunate that we have not better records of an 
annual fair in Providence. September 23, 1696, 10 ° one 
was held and Captain William Hopkins was appointed 
" Clarke of the Market." Olney's, Turpin's, and Whip- 
ple's inns were centers of public excitement throughout 
colonial times, where people gathered and information was 
circulated. By these resorts the temporary market-place 
was constituted and stalls were set in the public highway. 
It was an interesting phase of early communal life, and 
doubtless took effect in the habits and manners of the 
rural citizens. 

December 12, 1699, 101 the inventory of Stephen Arnold, 
a wealthy man in Pawtuxet, is worth noting. The lands 
do not appear, but the personal estate was £495. 11. 1., of 
which £130. was in gold and silver, £146. 5. 3. in " money 

99 Probate Rec, Vol. I., p. 33. 

ioo Dorr, " Planting and Growth," p. 190. 

ioi " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VI., p. 207. 




o 



1699] Comforts Increase 121 

due by bills." Plate now appears worth £17. Pewter 
and Glasses £4. 5. His wearing apparel, better than the 
average, stood at £12. Books £6. In cattle and sheep 
he had £76. 10., without horses; £10 in home-made cloth, 
and two stocks of bees at £1. 

In a personal estate of £68. 16. 2. four years earlier 
the male apparel was £5. 11., and the wife's adornment 
only £3. 3. 

In rebuilding the town after King Philip's War, there 
was a decided advance in the architecture and provision for 
comfortable living. William Harris' house, one of the bet- 
ter sort, was a story and one-half high. His barns were 
even more ample than his dwelling. The confined, rough 
structure of the early pioneers had been succeeded by a 
house of several rooms, and in many cases the peculiar 
leanto (often called " linter ") was added. The chimney 
was large and usually at the end ; 102 at this time and in 
the beginning of next century. There were several his- 
toric houses of this period which lasted well into modern 
times. T. Fenner's at Cranston, built in 1677, Eleazer 
Whipples at Lime Rock, built in 1677, Edward Manton's 
at Manton, built in 1680, Eleazer Arnold's at Moshassuck, 
built in 1687, Thomas Field's at Field's Point, built in 
1694. 

There were horse carts and wheeled vehicles in wealthy 
estates before 1700 ; 103 but they were little used. Saddle 
and pillion were better adapted to the bridle-paths, which 
Madam Knight found so difficult when she journeyed 
through our colony from Boston to New York on horse- 
back in 1704. She came with the post-rider from Ded- 
ham, Mass. " We found great difficulty in Travailing, 

102 Isham and Brown, " R. I. Houses," pp. 16, 30. 

103 Dorr, p. 123. 



122 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

the way being very narrow, and on each side the Trees 
and bushes gave us very unpleasant welcome with their 
Branches and bows." 104 

Intercourse in the seventeenth century tended toward 
canoes and boats along the waters of the Bay, rather 
than to bridle-paths on shore. 

Toward 1700 and thereafter, we have ample inventories 
of the planters' estates ; which will assist in working out 
the change of living, as we pass from agriculture to com- 
merce. Shipbuilding, begun in 1711, marks this passing 
of a community. 

The peculiar probate customs have been noted. 105 A 
practical illustration is recorded in 1676. 106 Resolved 
Waterman, of Providence, had died intestate at Newport 
in 1671. The Town Council then " made a will," allotting 
to the widow Mercy the enjoyment of the house and lot, 
other lands and meadows, with the cattle for her " mainte- 
nance and ye bringing vp of ye orphans five small chil- 
dren." Samuel Windsor had persuaded the widow Mercy 
to reinforce her lone estate, and " publication of mar- 
riage " was made. As the former council did not for- 
mally " perfect their agreement," this council virtually 
confirms the former action. It also voted to carry out 
the items in will of the grandfather, Richard Waterman. 

Silk grass beds were frequently used. One appears 
in 1695 107 with a feather bolster and pillow " much worn," 
all to the value of 16s. All the money found in this 
case was laid out in the funeral, but the party was respect- 
ably dressed, for his apparel was valued at £8. 5. Out- 
fits of tools showed the improvement in carpentry in the 

104 Journal, p. 30. 

105 Ante, p. 87. 

loo " Early Rec," Vol. VIII., p. £27. 

io7 " Early Rec," Vol. XVII., pp. 63, 159. 



1699] Interesting Customs 123 

second generation. Wm. Carpenter, of Pawtuxet, had 
£2. 16. worth, including " tenn ogegers Greater and 
Smaller" at 12s. in 1685. 

The most careful provision was made for widows, and 
minute changes were prescribed in case they married again. 
August 21, 1694, 108 Thomas Man devised various lega- 
cies of lands and goods to his sons and daughters. To 
the widow was given the use of all the household goods, 
while she remained a widow. In event of marriage three- 
quarters of the household goods was bequeathed to the 
five daughters and one-quarter to their mother. The 
personal estate amounted to £149. 11. 6. 

February 1, 1695-6, Wm. Vincent left £4. 6. in wearing 
apparel, £1. 10. in pewter, 12s. in bookes, out of a per- 
sonal estate of £63. 2. Explicitly and with excellent 
brevity the appraisers recorded: 

" As to debts wee know not 
" As to money wee find not." 

The prudent Ephraim Carpenter 108 had only £3. in wear- 
ing apparel, with " Boots and Portmanle " 7s. 6d. He was 
a small shopkeeper, probably, having 313 pounds tobacco 
at 3d., £3. 18. 3. and 3s. 6d. in " Cotten Wooll." Shortly 
after, Valentine Wightman appeared, leaving wearing ap- 
parel at £4.2. " Kash " in N. E. Coyne £38.6. " Kash " 
in Spanish Money £42. 8. One testament, part of a 
bible and another small book, in all only 3s. 

Curious and interesting forecast was often manifest 
in arrangements for inheritance between parents and chil- 
dren. June 26, 1701, 109 Joseph Aldridge and J. A., Jr., 

los "Early Rec," Vol VII., 185. 
los Ibid, pp. 177, 195, 202. 
™* Ibid, p. 206. 



124 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

both signing with marks make over " to son," the house-lot 
and orchard of about 20 acres, retaining the use of one- 
half the orchard. The son was to maintain three cows for 
the use of his father and mother for life and to plow one 
acre for them. Aldridge had other property and other 
children. 

Arthur " ffenner," a country gentleman, residing on his 
estate in Cranston, died in 1703. His inventory is worth 
considering, as he was a military man in public life, as 
well as a fanner. The personal estate was £166. 8s. He 
had 3 shirts, 5 waistcoats, 7 pair breeches, 1 pair drawers, 
3 loose coats ; and he walked bravely in boots and spurs 
with a buff belt, and he could adorn himself with 3 pair 
silver buttons. There were some shoes and other articles 
bringing up his wardrobe to £8. 6. In money £2. 15. 
The great bible stood at £1. 18., a statute book £2. 10., 
7 small books 19s. ; a respectable library for such a man 
in times not given to much reading. Bridle, saddle, port- 
mantle and " male pillion " £1. ; 2 guns and 1 pistol £2. 
Warming pan 8s., 3 greatchairs and 7 small at 12s. ; 2 
spinning wheels and cards 8s. In cattle and horses £49. 
16., with some horses and mares "not yet found," being 
on the common. In farm produce 29 loads hay and 1 
stack stalks £20. 12. 

A fair supply of chairs was common now for well-to-do 
people and they were a comparative luxury a generation 
earlier. In a small farmer's estate, where the personal was 
£93. '3. with wearing apparel at £4. 2., there were 4 chairs 
at 5s. and a small table at 3s. ; 1 joynt-stool at Is. 8. The 
" joynt-stool " was almost invariably represented from 
the beginning. It was made of parts morticed and in- 
serted together, and probably was of home construc- 
tion. 

Major John Dexter had the large personal estate of 



1699] Intestate Estates and Feather Beds 125 

£757. 19. 6., in 1706. His wardrobe was £9. 1. 6., rein- 
forced with a cane when he walked, worth 14s. ; and he 
could choose between a sword and belt at £4. 6., and an- 
other at 16s. When he mounted his horse, saddle, bridle, 
boots, spurs and portmantle stood at £11. 10. This was 
a brave outfit for a farmer, but he was forehanded, having 
in cash £168, and in bills for money lent £343. 8. 6. A 
concordance and several books £1. 17. Now appears sil- 
ver in 2 " Dram Cupps " 15s., and " some glass cupps." 
Without doubt silver plate was used early in Newport, 
and it appeared in a Portsmouth inventory in 1667. Dex- 
ter had a moderate farming outfit, including 25 goats and 
7 kids (unusual as this period), with 56 sheep and 30 
Iambs. 

August 9, 1711, William Turpin died " intested," and 
the more delicate problem, occasioned by a mother-in-law, 
must be met. These settlements of intestate estates are 
especially significant, for they directly indicate the state 
of public opinion. There were the widow Anne and three 
children, one a son. Wra. Turpin, the son, agrees 110 with 
his mother-in-laAV to allow her the room now occupied by 
her in his father's house for life, with one good bedstead, 
1 good feather bed and bolster, 2 pair good sheets, 1 pair 
good blankets, " cupple " good pillows, 2 pillow beers, 1 
good coverlid, to be " her own estate." To maintain her 
for life, with sufficient victuals and drink and washing 
and suitable attendance. The benefit of the fire to go to 
and from and abide by it, with " free Recorse to and 
from said Roome." To allow her £40. current silver, to 
be paid £10. annually for four years. If she be sick so 
that " she must Improve a Phisitian," that charge to be 
borne out of her own estate. 

In the seventeenth century, feather beds were of the 

no "Early Rec," Vol. VII., p. 180. 



126 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

very most important personal effects. After a roof for 
shelter and a fire in the chimney, the best comfort was 
to be found in a good nest of feathers. Samuel Whip- 
ple's inventory X11 affords an example, for it contains 4? 
feather beds and complete outfit £38. 5., and one flock 
bed complete £3. 10. Wearing apparel averaged £6. to 
£7. for the ordinary citizen. Unless there was positive 
poverty it did not generally fall below, and the well condi- 
tioned man seldom wore better clothing in the agricul- 
tural period. After commerce widened out, we shall see 
a change. Military men had swords, belts, etc., in addi- 
tion. Elisha Arnold left £4. 2. in 3 small guns, sword, 
" bagginit and cadous box." He had more than the usual 
number of 5 spinning wheels with old cards and " woos- 
ted " combs, all worth £3. 1. His brass ladle, pots and 
kettles of iron and brass, with dripping pan and frying 
pan, stood at £11. 12. In cattle, horses, sheep, and swine 
he had £78. 5., with " money and Bills and Plate " £25. 
1. 4. in 1711. 112 

February 27, 1710, 1, Thomas Harris, 113 a leading citi- 
zen, divided his estate between five sons and three daugh- 
ters. To his other sons he gave outlying lands ; to 
Henry one-half of his homestead house and 120 acres, the 
other half to Elnathan, his wife, for life, and afterward to 
Henry. Three " purchase rights of common " were given 
to the five sons. To his daughter, Amity Mors, £20. in 
money. To his two daughters unmarried, Elnathan and 
Mary, he gave each one feather bed and furniture, £20. in 
money, one-half a weaver's loom with its tackling. His 
wearing apparel was appraised at £7. Henry Harris 
and the widow were executors, receiving the personal 

in " Early Rec," Vol. VII., p. 25. 
112/foU, p. 44. 
us Ibid., p. 48. 



1699] Women Sign with a Mark 127 

property, cattle, one negro at £10. and they were to liqui- 
date the debts. 

Occasionally we perceive the infelicity of common life. 
December 30, 1711, 114 Thomas Cooper gives his son Rob- 
ert 5s. and no more " by Reason he has disobeied my Com- 
ands and left me in a strait of time before he was of age." 
There was a Bible at 4s., and there were very few books 
in the earlier inventories. Three spinning wheels and a 
pair of cards at 10s. Many inventories have flax and 
small quantities of tobacco, as grown by the farmers. 
Cooper's whole personal estate was £96. 11. 5. 

The men usually signed their names, and the women as 
generally signed with a mark X • They were educated, or 
rather brought up in conspicuous families. The men got 
their training from everyday life ; but women employed at 
the dairy, the spinning wheel or the loom, had not as good 
an opportunity. In provisions made for apprentices, 115 
we have seen how much reading and writing was desider- 
ated. The inventory of Solomon Thornton dates two 
years later than our period, but it reflects so fully the 
life of this time that we may study its details. His 
personal estate was £147. 5. 2., of which £1. 8. 6. was in 
money, and in wearing apparel he had expended £8. 5. 
One loom and its tackling stood at £2. 10. A small par- 
cel of worsted with " other yarn," flax, wool, and 1 woollen 
wheel was worth only 4s. Probably Thornton bought 
yarns to supply his weaving. Worsted combs appear in 
many of the farmers' inventories. There were three pieces 
" new cloath " 9i yards — " Cursey and plaine fulled," 3 
yds. ozen brigs, 14 yds. tow cloth, in all £4. 9. 6. In 
yarns 7i lbs. worsted £1. 11. 6.; 3 lbs. hose do with 19-5- 
lbs. colored £1. 13. In wool 9^ lbs. worsted £1. 3. Q. ; 

in " Early Rec," Vol. VII., p. 123. 
us Ante, p. 113. 



128 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

17 lbs. " sheep's wooll " — . There was a large supply 
of pewter in lots, as a pewter " Tanker " and two beakers, 
two dram-cups and a salt cellar, " 9 spoones being one 
occamy (alchemy) and the Rest Pewter," all valued at 
12s. Some wooden and a lot of earthen ware, a cream 
pot, 3 earthen pans, an earthen jug and 5 glass bottles, 
all worth 5s. Six new pewter platters were appraised 
at £2. 8., with a small quantity of flax and tobacco at 
£2. 1. Glass bottles appear frequently, but no drinking 
glasses as yet. Wooden and earthen ware served for 
kitchen utensils, with pewter for the better table service. 
A few years later we shall see a more elaborate arrange- 
ment and a better service for the table. 

In 1695, 116 apparently the first monthly meeting of 
the Town Council was ordered by the Town. The ferry at 
the narrow passage over the Seekonk was in the possession 
of widow Mary Edmond in 1696, when the " King's 
Post " was permitted to pass free of ferriage. This was 
the first public post and marks the increase of intercourse 
in the developing plantation. Prisons were erected in 
1698 and 1705 northwest of the present Benefit Street. 
The year 1700 marks a most significant departure from 
the individuality shown in burial customs of the early 
settlers. Nearly every family had a burial-ground of 
its own- — generally in or near its home-lot in our planta- 
tion. The parish churchyard of England had been fol- 
lowed in the other colonies by common burial places, at- 
tached or at least near to the meeting-house. It was a 
feature of communal life and partook of the ecclesiastical 
sanctity descended from the Roman through the Protes- 
tant church. In Providence, death even could not end 
separatism ; and a common burial-ground could not be 
attained until commerce began to relax the prejudices 

lie Staples, p. 184. 



1700] Division of Labor Beginning 129 

of the individuals, whose ancestors had been driven out 
from Puritan commonwealths. Now the land on the 
Moshassuck and eastward to the Pawtucket highway by 
Archibald Walker's was appropriated " for a training 
field, burying-ground and other public uses." The pres- 
ent North Burial Ground is a part of this tract and grad- 
ually the family cemeteries were abandoned in favor of it. 
Of the colony tax of £400 ordered in 1701, £65 was as- 
signed to Providence, showing complete recovery from 
the depression after King Philip's War. A subscription 
amounting to £21. 9. was opened for rebuilding Weybosset 
Bridge in 1705. Gideon Crawford subscribed £6. This 
method of raising funds must have been abandoned, as 
only fourteen citizens responded. 

Weaving was recognized as an important function in 
colonial life. 117 Land was assigned early to " a weaver," 
and we have noted that Wm. Austin took an apprentice in 
1674 for the " art and trade." " John Angel, weaver," 
was appointed by the town to serve in place of the " Towne 
Sargant," 118 an important official early in the eighteenth 
century. 

An interesting instance shows custom and the inter- 
play of necessary regulations in a farming community. 
Stray cattle and horses were a constant trouble. Often 
impounded, sometimes they were sent to Rehoboth or else- 
where, and the charges collected. There are nearly one 
hundred pages of record, 1678-1746, 119 devoted to cattle 

ii7 Division of labor began to manifest itself as the century went 
out. In 1700 Joseph Smith was granted 3 acres near Wanskuck for 
a weaver's shop. A fulling mill had then been operated for some 
time. Jan. 27, 1703-4 (" R. I. H. S.," New Series, Vol. IV., p. 214) 
Wm. Smith was granted a lot 40 ft. square for a " weaver's shop." 
He was to build within one year and follow his trade. 

us " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XVII., p. 291. 

us Ibid., Vol. IX., pp. 103-197. Enrolment of Deaths, Marriages, 
and Births, 1679-1724 appears in " Early Records," Vol. V., p. 203. 



130 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

marks and the taking of strays. Valuations of horses 
varied from £1. when afflicted with the pole evil, to £6. and 
£7. July 7, 1909, 120 occurs a case which shows the con- 
flict of rules. James Thornton, of Providence, complains 
that a sorrel white face jumped fences and continually 
damaged his grass. There being no pound, he was 
obliged to " secure him in my yard." He learned the 
owner had gone to Block Island, " a Souldiar, therefore 
could not proceed against him as a stray, but as a ' Tres- 
passer.' " Thornton would keep the horse, valued at 25s. 
for one year, when, unless the damages were paid, he 
would ask the authorities to dispose of him. 

The century did not exhaust the pest of wolves, for the 
bounty was paid for killing fourteen in 1687. 

Gradual increase of commerce is indicated by the 
frequent grants of "ware house lots" about 1697-1698. 
The proprietors, acting slowly, as always, took each to 
himself a lot for a warehouse and sometimes a wharf in 
Weybosset or on the Towne Streete. These were not 
distributed by the favorite lottery, but the petitioner gen- 
erally took the water lot opposite his own homestead. 
February 17, 1703-4, 121 the influential Thomas Olney, 
town clerk, obtained a resolution which attempted to check 
the granting of these lots and confine them to " those who 
may legally vote." 122 

120 « Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. IX., p. 177. 

121 " R. I. H. S.," New Series, Vol. IV., p. 211. 

122 A resolution was enacted by the Purchasers & Proprietors 
July 27, 1704 (E. R., Vol. XI., p. 88), that no more wharf lots 
should be granted on salt water, north of Town Wharf (about 
present Crawford St., and west of the River), "Because there 
is so Constant a Passing to cross the Water (and back) from 
Wayboysett side to the Towne with Cannoes and Boates, Rideing 
and Carting and Swimming over of Cattell from side to side; and 
the streame often times Running so swift, and many times Rough 
water by Reason of stormy Winds." 



1709] Communication Improves 131 

Farming life still encumbered the ways of the settled 
plantation. So late as 1715, goats, swine and horses 
belonging to the freeholders " ran riot in the woodlands." 
The dread of absorption by Connecticut had kept back 
westward communication. The Plainfield highway voted 
in 1706 — begun 1709-10, showed the passing of tins prej- 
udice. 

Movement for a road to Woodstock and Killingly, 
Conn., indicates progress. But the backward condition 
of Providence is clearly shown by the fact that they still 
sent for medical and surgical aid to Rehoboth, then in- 
cluding a part of Attleboro. 123 But as the century turned 
the old " tumults and heats " 124 of town meeting ended. 
The seething and fermenting process of the early planta- 
tion had worked out a community, not of the most orderly 
kind, but sufficient for tolerable government. Institutions 
were established slowly ; but the time had passed when an 
individual — however great — might be an institution unto 
himself. Mr. Dorr's significant phrase, " the planting and 
growth of Providence," may be considered as worked out 
and completed with the century. The greatest personal 
influences like Williams, Gorton, and Coddington had 
long passed by. The secondary men also had finished 
their work. William Harris was far unlike the men bred 
at Cambridge or the new order being formed at Harvard ; 
but he had grown up in the school of affairs, and had 
been much in England, engaged in large transactions. 
He read not only law, theology and medicine, but turned 
the pages of the " Gentleman Jockey." There was some- 
thing cosmopolitan in this hearty pioneer. Most planters 
read Scripture and concordance, but Thomas Olney, man- 
ager of meetings and incipient ruler of men, could unbend, 

123 Dorr, " Planting and Growth of Providence," p. 77. 

124 Ibid., p. 212. 



132 The Colony and the Town of Providence 

while soothing lus politician's spirit with the Independent 
Ainsworth's " Annotations " on the Psalms and Song of 
Solomon. 

Coddington was on the whole the largest and most effec- 
tive link between the practical life of the Old World and 
the forming growth of the new community on Narragan- 
sett Bay. Commerce at Newport, introduced by him and 
powerfully conducted by the Quakers, was opening the 
way for the very best colonial life of the next century. 
The most casual survey of this developing commonwealth 
should include the remarkable outgrowth of the judiciary. 
It moved on the old lines of established law, but adminis- 
tered penal measures in a humane spirit — far advanced 
over the olden courts or ecclesiastical procedure. 

Meanwhile the poorer agriculture of Providence Planta- 
tion was painfully expanding toward a larger develop- 
ment, as commerce should widen out the little community 
in the early eighteenth century. The forming period had 
passed with scanty help from the learning of Europe; 
such as this was, it would be had no more in the expanding 
period next to come. Men like the cooper-preacher Par- 
don Tillinghast carried over the average citizen until new 
American life could produce the Hopkinses, the Browns, 
and their fellows. 



CHAPTER V 

KING'S COUNTY, THE PATRIARCHAL CONDITION. 

1641-1751 

rilHE southwestern portion of our mainland contained 
A the larger part of the Narragansett nation. Roger 
Williams, whose instincts for business were better than his 
political understanding, early saw the economic impor- 
tance of the Narragansett x Country, and he built a trad- 
ing-house near the present Wickford. It is claimed by 
some 2 that his adventure was even earlier than that of 
the actual settler, Richard Smith, who afterward added 
Roger Williams' possessions to his own, when the proprie- 
tor needed the funds for his expenses in London, as he 
was getting the first charter. 

About 1641, Richard Smith, who had been a resident 
of Taunton, bought land from the sachems and began 
" Howsing lands and meadow." In the words of Francis 
Brinley, " among the thickest of the Indians (computed 
at 30,000) he erected a house for trade, and gave free 
entertainment to travelers ; it being the great road of the 
country." 3 The " Pequot Path " became a bridle path in 
the seventeenth century; in the eighteenth it was a link 
in the " Post Road," then the most traveled way between 
Boston and New York. Smith's settlement did not attain 
a permanent character, until the Pettaquamscutt pur- 
chase made by John Hull and others of Boston in 1658. 

i For the name cf. Rider, " Indian Lands," p. 203. 
2 Brigham, p. 98n. 

s Updike, " Narragansett Church," Goodwin's Ed., Vol. I., 13. 

133 



134 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

The next year Major Atherton and his partners acquired 
the second purchase, covering Quidnesset and Boston Neck, 
the southeastern corner of our mainland- 
Richard Smith deserves notice from his association with 
Roger Williams, and in that he was an important pioneer 
in the settlement of Rhode Island. In the words of his 
memorial tablet, " He lived near Wickford at Cocum- 
scussuc commonly called Smith's Castle and there Roger 
Williams often preached to the Indians and William 
Blackstone held the first regular services in the colony of 
Rhode Island." 4 

At this period, contemporary with the coming of num- 
bers of Quakers to Newport, our colonists were firmly 
established in the Narragansett country, until the Indian 
war of 1675 and 1676 should harass and interrupt them 
for a time. The " Swamp Fight " abolished this constant 
if latent source of peril. The Narragansetts were de- 
stroyed as an organized nation or political force, though 
the individual barbarians lived alongside our colonists. 
TJiis early interim of occupation — peaceful so far as the 
red proprietors were concerned — did not mean that aggres- 
sive Puritans would leave the government of Rhode Island 
in peaceful possession. Massachusetts reached through 
Warwick, and down to Pawcatuck, arresting the citizens, 
Burdick and Saunders, for imprisonment in Boston in 
1661. On the other side, the strong colony of Connecticut 
claimed jurisdiction by the King's grant as far eastward 
as Narragansett Bay. John Crandall and others were 
seized and imprisoned in Hartford in 1671. 

Misquamicut or Westerly had been purchased from 
Sosoa, chief of the Niantics, in 1661 by William Vaughn 
Stanton and others of Newport. 

Proprietors from Newport bought lands across the 
4 Updike, "Narragansett Church," Goodwin's Ed., Vol. L, p. 330. 



1671] Seventh Day Baptists 135 

Bay, and the estates improved under their care developed 
a social atmosphere differing from that of other parts of 
the colony. The merchants— as in the fable of Anfaeus— 
enjoying their return to mother earth were not quite like 
citizens of towns struggling to establish a new civic life. 
We shall see early in the eighteenth century how this 
social life affected the community at large. 

Along with this patrician culture, there was another 
element in the life of the Seventh Day Baptists, a denomi- 
nation very strong in Hopkinton and Westerly The 
meeting of John Clarke and of Henry Collins, who was 
called a " Medici," waned in Newport, in the latter eigh- 
teenth century ; but it waxed strong in the western towns 
and by emigration into western New York. Seven persons 
seceded from the First Baptist Church at Newport in 
1671 and organized the first Sabbatarian Church. A few 
of these soon joined the first freemen at Westerly. Their 
first meeting house was built about 1680, between Shat- 
tuck's Weir and Potter Hill in the present town of Hop- 
kinton. 

When Mr. Prince of Cambridge visited Westerly in 
1721, he reported "the Sectaries here are chiefly Bap- 
tists that keep Saturday as a Sabbath." They were very 
liberal and catholic in their treatment of Prince. Earnest 
and conscientious, excellent citizens, the main tenet of this 
division of Baptists was separative rather than concilia- 
tory, and they were protestants of the Protestants, tend- 
ing toward isolation. 

The Indian and negro population — well mixed after 
the abolition of slavery — was a drag on the best life of 
the time. Some colored families emerging from the mass, 
became landowners or mechanics and were most helpful 
citizens. 

When Winthrop and Clarke negotiated in London for 



136 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

agreement in securing the charters of both colonies, the 
latter obtained a favorable position for Rhode Island, 
which Winthrop undoubtedly yielded lest he might lose 
the Connecticut charter altogether. Connecticut claimed 
that he exceeded his powers and asserted her sovereignty 
over the Narragansett country as has been noted. 
Twenty of her armed men crossed the Pawcatuck. On 
her part, Rhode Island seized John Greene of Quidnesset, 
who favored Connecticut, and carried him to Newport, 
threatening others with arrest. 

The Narragansett proprietors, including Richard' 
Smith and Increase Atherton, met July 2, 1663. 5 They 
recorded that as " Poynt Juda " had no harbor and could 
not be improved for farms and plantations, for the present 
it should lie common to the twenty-two proprietors for 
their " Drye Cattle " and that two houses should be built. 
The next day they voted to place themselves under the 
protection of Connecticut Colony in preference to that of 
Rhode Island. 

King Philip's War in 1675 and 1676 laid waste the 
dwellings of the Narragansett Country, but the settlers 
soon recovered from these disasters. Industries were 
started in Westerly on the Pawcatuck River before the 
eastern part of the county had advanced so far. Joseph 
Wells at that point, built vessels for buyers in Connecti- 
cut as early as 1681. 

We have details of the schooner " Alexander and 
Martha," built by him and which sailed from New Lon- 
don, and the builder was to own at least one-eighth part. 
She was forty feet long, her deck falling by the main 
mast, and had a cabin, cook room and forecastle. 6 

Revocation of the Edict of Nantes sent out an emigra- 

g " Fones Record," p. 23. 

e Field, " Providence," Vol. III., p. 579. 



1686 J Huguenot Culture I37 

tion, which became an important element in the population 
and ,n the life of America. No community then existing 
more effectually developed arts and crafts with cor- 
responding culture than the Huguenots. Rhode Island 
gained much thereby and might have profited more had 
not the turbulent neighbors oppressed the first Hugue- 
not settlers In 1686, some forty-five of these French 
families settled m northern Kingstown and southern East 
Greenwich, buying a large tract of the Atherton pro- 
prietors.' Unfortunately this land was claimed by ad- 
joining English settlers, with some show of right. In 
1687, these contestants carried off forty loads of hay 
from the meadows of Frenchtown, as the hamlet was 
called. Governor Andxos could not finally adjudicate 
the matter and ordered a division of the hay, half to the 
English and half to the French. Two dozen dwellings 
had been occupied and a church built. Such oppressive 
treatm ent crushed this settlement and scattered the in- 
habitants. The Ayraults went to Newport. Many of 
the names, slightly Anglicized, remained in the South 
Country, and we may note the Mawneys (LeMoines), 
Chadseys, Tourgees, Tarboxes, Frys, and Nicholses! 
Remains of the original French orchard on the Mawney 
farm were visible in the nineteenth century. « Current 
tradition attributed to the French the introduction of 
many fine varieties of the apple, pear, peach, plum and 
cherry and of choice flowers. The influence of these in- 
teresting pilgrims was an abiding one 

A horse-ferry was established between Kingstown and 
Conanicut, continuing to Newport in 1700. A new ferry 
from Kingstown to Conanicut was instituted in 1707 
The Queens, afterward the "Post Road," was laid out" 



7 Brigham, " R. I. » p . 150 

8 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 365. 



138 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

about 1703. It was still a bridle path when Madam 
Knight went over it in 1704. This indicates the settle- 
ment and improvement of the South County. The first 
bridge over the Pawcatuck at the old ford " Shaw's " on 
the " Indian Trail " was built by contribution about 
1712 ; the next in 1735, was one-half at the charge of 
the Rhode Island colony, and one-half was paid for by the 
town of Stonington. The fact that Stonington did so 
much, shows how important was this communication with 
New York and Boston. 

Proprietorship in lands by the seashore influenced the 
community and carried it along lines differing somewhat 
from the ordinary town in New England. The Puritan 
element existed, but it proceeded differently. Prior to 
1700, there came to this region, families attached to the 
worship of the Church of England. They were few in 
number, but " They were very earnest " 9 for that faith. 
According to Doctor MacSparran, Trinity Church was 
built at Newport in 1702, and St. Paul's, his own, in Nar- 
ragansett in 1707. 10 The first existing record of the lat- 
ter is dated April 14, 1718, 1X and Gabriel Bernon was a 
vestryman. He was a Huguenot refugee from Rochelle 
and, soon removing to Providence, became very prominent 
in founding King's or St. John's Church there. He pos- 
sessed a keen intellect, was liberal minded for his time 
and a firm believer in self-government. His positive views 
were formulated according to the time, but they were ex- 
plicitly free and adumbrated the modern citizen. " Roger 
Williams and all those, that have settled in our Provi- 
dence town, have been persecuted, bruised and banished 
out of Massachusetts government, for not submitting 

9 Updike, Goodwin's Ed., Vol. I., p. 337. 
io Ibid., p. 31. 
ii Ibid., p. 38. 



1718] Gabriel Bernon the Cosmopolitan 139 

themselves to the arbitrary power of the Presbytery and 
we fear nothing more than this arbitrary power of the 
clergy. Power before Popery did ruin the world, and, 
since Popery, the arbitrary power of the clergy hath 
ruined Europe." 12 An early effort to aid the woollen in- 
dustry dates from 1719, when Col. George Hazard gave 
Thomas Culverwell one-half acre of land for a fulling- 
mill for "Promoting ye Wooling Manufactuary which 
may be for my benefit and the Publick Good." 13 The land 
was to be " drowned " in making the dam. These central 
fulling mills were essential for converting the homespun 
fabrics into substantial cloth. A fulling mill was estab- 
lished at Hamilton, then Bissell's Mills, in 1720. 14 

One of the earliest inventories recorded is that of George 
Cook Feb. 3, 1703-4. 15 His wearing apparel and arms 
stood at £14. Of the great household staple, the feather 
bed, he had two at £40, together with one silk grass and 
one wool bed at £.. Six pair sheets and one pair pil- 
low beers at £6.10. One dozen napkins and one table 
cloth were appraised at £1.10. Brass, iron and pewter 
appropriated £8. In silver plate there was one cup and 
six spoons at £4.6. A fair line of cattle and sheep with 
ten of horsekind worth £40.16 comprised his stock; cared 
for by one negro at £30. The personal estate was 
£342.19. 

There seemed to be a large proportion of horses in the 
different estates, caused by the demand for export prob- 
ably. James Wilson with personal property at £367.7, in 
the following year had 31 horsekind at £74. Cattle and 
sheep at £187.5. He spent £20 on wearing apparel, 

12 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 60. 

is " So. Kingstown Rec, Vol. I., p. 101. 

i* " Hazard Family," Robinson, p. 29. 

i5 Council Records So. Kingston, Vol. I., p. 3. 



140 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

while his household furnishing was narrow; the pewter, 
earthern ware and three candlesticks being worth only 
£3.10. One negro woman £15. 

Robert Hannah in 1706 held the same tenets concerning 
corporeal immortality, we have noted elsewhere in the 
colony. " Nothing doubting but at the general Resur- 
rection I shall receive the same (my body) again by the 
mighty power of God." He was a thrifty man with 
£378.12 personal estate, and having left his sons pro- 
vided with lands, cattle and negroes. His stock was worth 
£157.14. A negro woman and five children were valued 
at £110; three feather beds and one flock with furniture 
£26. 

Almost everybody had spinning wheels and cards or 
combs, for woolen, worsted or linen yarns. There were 
many personal estates about £360 to £375. Young negroes 
appear to have been valued at prices relatively low. In 
1710, one negro of 17 years, one boy of 4 years, one girl 
of 2 years, were lumped with a cart ; yokes and tools at 
£93.18. A different class of society is represented in the 
property of Bethiah Collvill, widow, altogether £28.15. 
Her cow, swine, mares and eight sheep were worth £16.17. 
She had one bed and 7s. in pewter; two wheels and one 
pair cards at 8s. And in 1713, Katharine Bull had one 
new " sute uper clothing " £4.12. In head linen and rest 
of the wearing apparel £7. In pewter and tin £1.14, in 
iron and brass 9s., in wooden ware, etc., 7s. Her total 
personal estate was £30.16. 

There were very few books mentioned. Rowse Belme in 
1712, with personal estate of £284.17.1, had one bible and 
small books at 10s. His outfit indicates the slightly bet- 
ter style of living which was creeping in. Four feather 
beds, bedsteads and furniture stood at £30.9. One table 
cloth, 7 napkins, 1 sheet were valued at £1.11 ; nineteen 



1716] Comforts Increase 141 

napkins and two table cloths at £1.7; one bolster and 
nine pillow cases at £1. In pewter there was £4.1. 
There was £1.17.6 in 12^ yards new " flannen " and some 
cotton and woolen yarn. A negro man at £30, a woman 
at £15. 

Samuel Perry in the year 1716 16 marks a social lift in 
the various items of his personal estate £730.16. He not 
only dressed better but he displayed a watch and cane in 
his outfit of £53. The household furnishing was decid- 
edly better; five feather beds and hangings with furni- 
ture at £100, one flock bed and fittings at £6, three beds 
and bedding for servants at £13.10. In cattle and cows 
£129.10. In horses, one three years old, five two years old 
and a yearling represented £62, with six mares and three 
colts at £52. The table and cooking service showed con- 
siderable betterment; £6.11 in tin ware, £11.5 in pewter, 
in brass ware including a warming pan £2.8 ; a bell metal 
skillet, a teapot and quart pot in copper £1.10; four 
brass candlesticks and snuffers £1.16. A chafing dish 
with box iron and heaters. One chest " draws " one 
" ovel " table (so much prized in Providence) all at 
£5.10. Chairs, two tables, joynt stool £2.16. One clock 
£18, (the first mentioned). One dozen silver spoons 8s. 
All his books £7. Smith's " voyce and gleaszer's " tools 
£5.5. Two negro slaves £130. 

Perry was a considerable manufacturer for the time, 
having 8 looms and tackling at £20 ; two coppers one pair 
clothier's shears, two press " plaits " and press papers, 
all at £21.15. If we compare the style of living indicated 
here, with that prevailing in Providence at the same 
period, we shall find it similar except in the table service 
of china and glassware. 

Rowland Robinson, the father of Governor William, 

is Council Records So. Kingston, Vol. I., p. 79. 



142 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

was a large landholder in the tract extending from Sugar 
Loaf Hill to the present Narragansett Pier and into 
Point Judith Neck. His house was on the site now oc- 
cupied by Mr. Welch as " Shadow Farm " easterly from 
Wakefield by "Kit Robinson's Pond." The Robinson 
inventory was dated in 1716, the will having been made in 
1712. He bequeathed his wife for life the house and 80 
acres of land. To three married daughters he gave £40 
each in money. 

At his home farm, there were 462 sheep, 266 lambs, 
valued at £304.12. Fifty cows and a bull at £254, four 
oxen at £27. Horsekind worth £142, and 53 swine at 
£33.5. At the Point Judith farm there was £304.2 in 
cattle, sheep and horsekind. Nine negroes at £375, fur- 
nished the labor. 

The feudal proprietor dressed about as well, expending 
£31.19, as the incipient manufacturer Perry, though he 
did not affect a watch and cane. The house furnishing 
was moderate, in four feather and two wool beds and 
furniture £47.6, in servant's bedding £7. In table linen 
£4.18, and £24.19 for 21 sheets and 21 bolster and pil- 
low cases. £5.9 was in 12 chairs, 1 table, 1 wheel, etc. 
Again 6 chairs stood at 14s. and one looking glass at 8s. 
There was an entire absence of the better class of fur- 
niture appearing elsewhere in the estates of wealthy men. 
In pewter ware, there was the respectable and usual sup- 
ply, costing £10.16, and there was £5.12 in silver spoons. 
The great bible, other books and a desk were appraised 
at £2.16. The total personal estate was £2166, the 
largest recorded as yet. 

Robert Hazard in 1718, left a personal estate of 
£748.9, and had expended £17 for wearing apparel. 
There were the usual moderate comforts. 

In the case of Nathan Jakwise, 1722, we have an ex- 



1718] How Poor People Lived 143 

ample — difficult to trace — of the laborer's condition in 
an estate of £28.19- Wearing apparel was 12s., about 
the lowest recorded. A woolen wheel 9s., a linen do. 7s., 
and one pair of cards 2s. A beetle ring indicating a 
chopper's work out of doors 12s. Some wool and 8s. in 
woollen yarn. In linen he had 4s., and £2.14 in pewter; 
£1.13 in iron ware, and 10s. in wooden vessels. He had 
one cow at £5 and thirty bushels of Indian corn at the 
same value. 

Ephraim Smith in 1722 left a moderate estate and 
farming outfit. He had one loom and tackling at £1.15. 
Looms were not as common as spinning utensils. Though 
he had expended only £13. in wearing apparel he had 
11 oz. of plate at £4.8, in buttons, buckles and money. 
He enjoys the distinction of wearing the first recorded 
silver shoe buckles. Most people had a few silver spoons 
and 1718-9 there appears a silver drinking cup and spoons 
at £8.7. Another cup is found in 1721. 

There were records duly kept of ear marks of cattle, and 
of births and deaths among the people. The wearing 
apparel of the citizen — excluding laborers generally — 
ran from £10. to £20., with an occasional outlay of £30. 
to £40. We have not enough data to average the ex- 
penditure of the fair sex, even if such mathematical 
adjustment were proper. 

Slavery was closely intertwined with life on the planta- 
tion or farm, and with domestic service. About every 
person living comfortably had more or less slaves, if 
only one woman. There were a few independent white 
laborers, and we have cited some instances, but the work — 
especially out-of-doors — was done by slaves The average 
price of a mature and able negro man was about £50. ; 
of a woman, about £40. The largest number so far 
was the nine men owned by Rowland Robinson. Proba- 



144 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

bly he had given away his women slaves. There were all 
sorts of fractional ownerships and time valuations. The 
service of a negro boy for six and a half years was 
appraised at £19.10. Three Indian children servants were 
worth £23. Two-thirds part of a negro boy was put at 
£15. Indian slaves appear under various conditions, and 
they must have been descended from the captives in King 
Philip's War. 

This period in Narragansett corresponds with the 
third social condition in Providence, though nearly a score 
of years behind in its development. Necessaries in the 
colonial home were served by means of earthen ware and 
wooden trenchers ; comforts by the useful pewter ; luxuries 
came in with silver, china and glass. There were few 
forks used until after 1700. In the seventeenth century 
a family beginning to live comfortably increased its sup- 
ply of napkins. 

Madam Knight in 1704 complained of the familiarity 
with slaves along the Connecticut shore. 17 The horse- 
woman struck the poorest homestead 18 at Shaw's Ford, 
now Westerly, " This little Hutt was one of the wretched- 
est I ever saw a habitation for human creatures." It was 
clapboarded, with no windows and an earthen floor. No 
furniture, but a bed with a glass bottle hanging at the 
head, an earthen cup, a small pewter " bason." A board 
" with sticks to stand on " served for a table, and a 
block or two for chairs. This was a poor evolution from 
a loghouse. " Notwithstanding both the Hutt and its 

it " They Generally lived very well and comfortably in their 
famelies. But too Indulgent (especially ye farmers) to their 
slaves: suffering too great familiarity from them permitting ym to 
sit at Table and eat with them (as they say to save time), and into 
the dish goes the black hoof as freely as the white hand." — " Jour- 
nal," p. 53. 

is Ibid., p. 40. 



1721] Doctor MacSparran 145 

Inhabitance were very clean and tydee." The philosoph- 
ical traveler depicted in verse the relative lot of mortals : 

" Tho' ill at ease, a stranger and alone, 
All my fatigues shall not extort a grone. 
These Indigents have hunger with their ease, 
Their best is wors behalf than my disease." 

Dr. MacSparran settled at Narragansett in 1721, was a 
man of parts and of ardent Celtic temperament, a strong 
ecclesiastic. He was not as considerate of the unchurched 
at Newport or Providence, as Rev. Mr. Honeyman, of 
Trinity, or Gabriel Bemon ; but he was much respected 
as a man, and was quite a factor in the life of early Nar- 
ragansett. Mr. Updike considered him "the most able 
Divine sent over to this country by the Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel." 

In 1722, Mr. MacSparran was sent for to visit twelve 
men of the Church of England imprisoned by the Bay 
Government at Bristol for refusing to pay rates for sup- 
port of the Presbyterian minister. 19 Bristol, R. I., was 
then under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. This year 
the worthy rector confirmed and extended his social oppor- 
tunities by marrying Miss Hannah Gardiner, of a large 
and influential family in South Kingstown, allied to the 
Robinsons and Hazards. She was beautiful and her 
spouse enthusiastically characterized her as " the most 
pious of women, the best of wives in the world." Among 
his early converts the rector baptized in 1724, Thomas 
Mumford, of Groton, Conn., and Captain Benoni Sweet, of 
North Kingstown. The captain had been in the British 
army, was well informed and polished in manner. He was 
reputed a " natural bonesetter," and his descendants prac- 
19 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 469. 



146 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

ticed largely in repairing dislocations. Colleges of phy- 
sicians have never recognized this sort of heredity, but 
numbers of people in southern Rhode Island and eastern 
Connecticut trusted it implicitly for a century and a half. 
An effort in 1726 was made to maintain a parish school 
at St. Paul's Church. The London Society for Propa- 
gation of the Gospel sent out Mr. James Delpech, paying 
him a salary of ten pounds to serve as schoolmaster of 
the Society. Such schools hardly met the colonial spirit, 
and this lasted only about two years. 20 

An epoch in the history of Narragansett occurred 
when Dean Berkeley in 1729 or soon after his arrival in 
Newport, began his visits to the Glebe-house. He 
preached for Doctor MacSparran once by record, and 
quite likely at other times. Familiar intercourse with the 
Dean and his accomplished fellow-travelers was one of 
the forming influences of the period in the society about 
Pettaquamscutt. It gave a cosmopolitan outlook to the 
quiet neighborhood. It would be superfluous to dilate 
upon the influence of such a man as Berkeley. Among 
his companions was Smibert, the founder of portrait paint- 
ing in America ; and he painted Doctor MacSparran and 
his wife. Perhaps Smibert, when depicting the ladies 
of Narragansett, did not contribute much to ethno- 
graphic science, but he must have intensely stimulated the 
gossip of the neighborhood when he recognized the 
Indians around Tower Hill as veritable descendants of 
the Siberian Tartars, transposed by the way of Behring 
Strait. While in Italy Smibert had drawn the Tartars 
from original pictures belonging to Peter the Great. 
The imagination of the artist could easily transport the 
Tartar lineaments and locate them anew in Narragansett. 
With the Dean came Peter Harrison, assistant architect 
20 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 489. 



1729] Dean Berkeley's Influence 147 

of Blenheim Palace. He built the Redwood Library and 
other notable buildings. 

The Doctor built the " Glebe Hiouse " on Pettaquam- 
scutt or Narrow River, accessible from, but not near, St. 
Paul's Church. The church has been removed to the 
village of Wickford, and is a most interesting memorial 
of the times. The parsonage was of good size, two- 
storied and gambrel-roofed, with a narrower wing on the 
southern end. There was a long family room, where 
Sunday services were held in very wintry weather. 

Host and hostess, both social and hospitable, though 
without children of their own, gathered young people 
about them. In the " Great Room " on a rainy day of 
October the Doctor would busy himself with writing, while 
his wife put her " Rev. Durance petticoat " into the 
frame, which was a most necessary domestic equipment. 
Here she quilted, assisted by her niece, Miss Betty Gar- 
diner. Robert Hazard, her nephew in another line, was 
" reading Physic," as faithfully as the distractions of 
such agreeable company would allow. The Doctor fav- 
ored marriage and domestic life. Out of his respectable 
and useful library, he loaned Christopher Fowler a volume 
on " Religious Courtship." It would seem that Venus 
must be approached and sued in an ecclesiastical way. 

The life was plain, but generous and comfortable. 
The occasional discomforts of crowds of guests show the 
pleasures of a hospitable household. Once when more 
than fifty years old he named a full dozen of visitors " all 
here at once." Weary for the moment, he remarked, " so 
much Company fatigues me at one time." 

The Quakers were strong socially and absolutely 
opposed to an ordained and settled ministry. Some Bap- 
tists and Congregationalists partook of this feeling. Our 
priest went to the other extreme. Like all functional wits, 



148 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

he was sometimes upset by an opponent and prostrated 
among his own witticisms. A poor Quaker neighbor was 
a famous preacher, who maintained himself by labor of 
his hands, and at the time was laying stone-wall. The 
Doctor elate at least, if not inflated, from his easy seat 
on horseback said, "Well, James, how many barrels of 
pudding and milk will it take to make forty rods of stone- 
wall? " James dropped his stone into place, looked 
squarely at his bumptious questioner, answering, " Just 
as many as it will take of hireling priests to make a 
Gospel minister." If the answer was not Homeric, it 
was because Homer did not know priests who preached. 

Like many of the most useful missionaries in various 
parts of the world, our rector ministered to the body as 
well as the spirit. He often acted as physician in this 
new country, where such service was in demand. 

North and South Kingstown were set off from the origi- 
nal town in 1722, The western territory of the county 
was divided as settlement moved forward. Charlestown 
being taken from eastern Westerly in 1738. The new 
town, in its turn, lost Richmond on the north in 1747. 
Hopkinton, the northern part of Westerly, was made a 

town in 1757. 

The great estate of the Champlins, originally coming 
from Newport, fell into Charlestown. There were 2000 acres 
and the homestead farm contained seven or eight hundred. 
The proprietor kept thirty-five horses, fifty-five cows, six 
hundred to seven hundred sheep, and slaves in proportion. 
A large mansion-house stood well into the nineteenth cen- 
tury. Captain Christopher Champlin and Hannah, the 
daughter of Captain John Hill, were married by Doctor 
MacSparran in 1730. Their son Christopher, born at 
the homestead, went to Newport to become an enterprising 
and successful merchant. He was president of the Bank 



1729] Berkeley's Silver Flagon 149 

of Rhode Island and the first Grandmaster of the Masonic 
Fraternity in the State. 

Colonel Daniel Updike, the son of Lodowick and grand- 
son of Richard Smith, spent his youth at Cocumscussuc or 
Smith's Castle. He removed to Newport, where he prac- 
ticed law and was Attorney-General of the colony twenty- 
four years. He was county attorney for King's, the pres- 
ent Washington County ; and was prominent in founding 
the Literary Society at Newport. The relations between 
the Colonel and the Dean were most friendly and cordial ; 
on the departure of the latter for Europe, he gave his 
friend an " elegantly wrought silver flagon," now in the 
possession of Daniel Berkeley Updike. Though strict in 
some ecclesiastical canons and practice, the Doctor was 
liberal in administering baptism. He immersed Colonel 
Updike and frequently used that form of the rite. Moses 
Lippet, of Warwick, he dipped " above his own Mildam." 
In another account he says, " at the Tail of his Grist 
Mill," showing that facts are difficult as well as doctrine 
in ecclesiastical history. 

The Updike library, descending from Daniel to Wil- 
kins, 21 is of interest. The collection was strong in Latin 
classics, with Hesiod in both Latin and Greek, and ren- 
dered into an English translation. All the good readers 
had Pope's Iliad. Books on law were represented, as a 
matter of course. Voltaire's Philosophical Dictionary, 
Dryden's Plays, with Defoe's History of the Devil, indi- 
cate some variety of culture. Leslie against the Deists 
would confirm the orthodoxy of these good Episcopalians, 
if such support could be needed. According to Hallam 
the Short and Easy Method was as able as it was popular. 
Erasmus's " Colloquia Selecta " was considered by the 
author " a caprice of fortune " in being his most popular 

21 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., pp. 126, 422. 



150 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

work, " full of foolish things and bad Latin." But in 
our generation it would pass for a learned book. Young's 
Night Thoughts was a frequent book in those days. The 
works of Nicholas Rowe found place, and Moliere relieved 
the somewhat somber shelves. The collection was con- 
siderable and we have given but few titles. 

Matthew Robinson, born in Newport, studied law in 
Boston and practiced in Newport. He removed to South 
Kingston in 1750 and bought a large farm west of the 
present station of Kingston, naming his residence Hope- 
well. His legal practice was extensive, and he was a 
student and zealous antiquarian. " He had a large and 
well-selected library in law, history, and poetry, prob- 
ably the largest of any individual in the colony at that 
time." 22 

The drawing of portraits introduced by Smibert was 
kept up among the wealthy families. Later in the century 
Copley practiced his art, and put the stately dames of 
Narragansett and Newport on his excellent canvas. 

There were many notable families in this precinct, which 
included the Champlins in Charlestown and the Wards of 
Westerly. Locally, the Browns, Hazards, Robinsons, 
Willets have been well known. The Gardiners became 
famous in Boston and in Maine, while the sea-going and 
mercantile Minturns were transferred to New York. 

In the middle eighteenth century, the estates of the 
large landholders were extensive and deserved their local 
designation of plantation, though the system of farming 
by slaves was unlike that practiced in the South. Ordi- 
nary farms contained about three hundred acres ; the 
plantations coming over from the seventeenth century 
were much larger. 23 Robert Hazard owned sixteen 

-- Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 14. 
23 Ibid, Vol. II., p. 14. 



1730] The Plantations and Slavery 151 

hundred acres on Boston Neck and about Pettaquam- 
scutt. 

The wealthy Robert Hazard, father of College Tom, 
made a will, though he did not execute it, in 1745. 2i It 
shows the way of living, especially in the provisions for 
his dearly beloved wife. Fifty pounds a year, four cows 
to be kept through each year. A negro woman Phebee. 
One riding Mare, the best, with new saddle and bridle. 
Wood, beef and pork ; the beef to be dressed and brought 
into her house. Fowls and geese. One feather bed and 
six chairs, two iron pots, one brass kettle, two pair pot- 
hooks, two trammels. Pewter dishes and platters, basins 
and silver spoons. One piece " Camblitt," one of linen 
called the " fine piece." Forty pounds wool yearly, two 
wheels linen and woolen. She was to have two rooms, 
one " a fire room, the other a bed room such as she shall 
chuse in either of my two Houses." The improvement of 
a quarter acre of land. The upper part of the Neck, 
occupied by the Willets, was the home of Canonicus and 
Miantonomi. Colonel Joseph Stanton's property in 
Charlestown was said to be four and one-half miles long 
by two miles wide. Governor William Robinson's land 
on upper Point Judith was subdivided and inherited by 
descendants. Samuel Sewall, son of the Judge, suc- 
ceeded to the John Hull purchase on Point Judith, 
of sixteen hundred acres, finally divided into eight farms. 

The number of slaves, generally overestimated, was 
1000, according to Updike in 1730, and it was about 
equal to that of the horses employed in tilling the land. 
The Indians settled through these districts and most 
numerous around the reservation in Charlestown were 
valuable auxiliaries, especially in haying and other periods, 
requiring extra labor. Corn, tobacco, cheese and wool 
24 « Hazard College Tom," p. 31. 



152 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

were the chief staples sustained by hay ; and horses were 
exported largely. Vessels were despatched from the 
South Ferry direct for the West Indies. They were 
loaded with cheese, grain, beef, and pork in the hold, and 
with horses on deck. 

Douglass in 1760 25 says, " Rhode Island Colony in 
general is a country for pasture, not for grain ; by extend- 
ing along the shore of the ocean and a great bay, the air 
is softened by a sea vapour which fertilizeth the soil ; 
their winters are shorter and softer than up inland ; it is 
noted for dairies, whence the best of cheese made in any 
part of New England is called (abroad) ' Rhode Island 
Cheese.' The most considerable farms are in the Narra- 
gansett country. Their highest dairy of one farm, ordi- 
narly milks about one hundred and ten cows, cuts two 
hundred loads of hay, makes about thirteen thousand 
pounds of cheese, besides butter, and sells off consider- 
able in calves and fatted bullocks. In good land they 
reckon after the rate of two acres for a milch cow." 

Fortunately, Doctor MacSparran left a Diary and Let- 
ter Book for the years 1743-1751, which has been amply 
edited by Doctor Goodwin. We may cite some facts and 
matters of experience, which will serve to illustrate the 
general accounts of Narragansett life, which will follow. 

Though the worthy parson was strictly ecclesiastical, 
severe in any point of discipline, separative where any 
difference obtained with " the Conventicle which is the 
sink of the church," 26 he was reasonable in the substantial 
practices of religion. For example, he occasionally 
preached at Conanicut. July 5 he did not go, as the 
" drought and worms " compelled the farmers to attend 

25 " Hazard College Tom," p. 217, citing D. Mr. I. F. Hazard, p. 
218, gives details of farming. 

26 MacSparran Diary, p. 8. 



1743] Farming Practices 153 

to their harvest even on Sunday. Wheat was still raised 
now and then in the Colony of Rhode Island. July 19th, 
" with moonlight " the Doctor's two negroes and his 
brother-in-law's oxen, mare and cart, carried the wheat 
into the barn. A pretty pastoral picture. The thresh- 
ing and winnowing was quite a circumstance in farm 
life. August 8th, he turns the cows into the " after 
feed" and sends Stepney to Town (Newport) with a 
packet of letters and to buy nails and salmon, likewise 
a pound of chocolate. The latter was a frequent neces- 
sity at the Glebe house. 

Our diarist's duties extended as far as Providence 
sometimes. He went to Moses Lippet's in old War- 
wick in "the great tempest" to marry his daughter 
Freelove to Samuel Chase in the midst of the storm. 
Moses was grandson of John Lippet, an original settler 
in Providence. 

The I' Great Awakening" under Whitefield's preach- 
ing excited New England and penetrated this corner 
of our colony. In 1750, 27 the " Hill Church " in West- 
erly and the Indian Church were formed, largely under 
this influence. Now in 1743, 28 our Doctor labored with 
one Avery "& a new light," saying something to "do 
him good." We may well imagine this wholesome coun- 
sel contained no heresy. 

We may sympathize with the parson and the head of a 
family in the complicated duties June 25, 1745. Harry 
was hilling corn. George Fowler was bled by the amateur 
surgeon. ^ He gave Maroca (a negro girl, who had had 
two illegitimate children), one or two lashes for receiving 
presents from Mingo. But the sequel was worst of all. 29 

2 7 " Westerly Witnesses," p. 69. 

28 Diary, p. 12. 

29 Ibid., p. 29. 



154* King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

" I think it was my duty to correct her, and w t ever Pas- 
sion passed between my wife and me on y s occasion, Good 
L d forgive it." 

Our worthy parson was like many who have been seri- 
ously affected by dreams. He frequently underwent noc- 
turnal imaginary perils in boats, and always regarded 
such conceptions as warnings of accidents to come by 
water. Perhaps the experience in 1751, to be cited, car- 
ried an absurd dream as far into historical exegesis as 
was ever done. He had been reading a tale and next 
morning he sets forth his " ugly dream " with a full diag- 
nosis as follows : " I believe y* reading the Life of Cleave- 
land nat 1 son to Cromwel gave me all y se Distresses. The 
whole is certainly a Fiction, y re never having been such a 
man, nor such occurrences as it relates. I believe it is 
wrote to blacken y e Stuart Family, to raise men's Esteem 
of y e Revolution w ch seems now to be sinking; But 
Romance can't, ought not to discredit Realitys." 30 The 
Doctor's high Tory proclivities shine forth admirably. 
But how imagination by night or day runs riot ; while 
romance and reality dance in and out ! 

It might have been fancy farming, but " my two 
Negro's " were plowing in buckwheat in 1751, for manure 
for English wheat. 31 MacSparran was more practical in 
teaching morals to the negroes by admonition and by lash 
than in inveighing against lay-reading in the church. He 
writes freely against this practice, which he abhors. 
" Peter Bourse read Prayers and preached in y e c hh there 
(Newport) last Sunday w tht any kind of ordination. May 
God open y 1 young man's eyes y 1 he may see y l he has 
transgressed against y e Lord in offering up y e Publick 
Prayers, w ch is y e Same in y e X n Ch h y 1 offering Incense 

so Diary, p. 45. 
3i Ibid. 



1743] Discipline of Negroes 155 

on y e Altar was in y e Jewish." 32 On the next Sunday, he 
preached against this irregular practice. He then re- 
galed himself with " suckatash " or succotash, also in 
Indian msick quatash, the excellent corn and beans 
adopted from the natives. A comber was at the house, 
for all these small proprietors combed or carded, spun and 
wove at home. The cloth was scoured, fulled and pressed 
at a fulling establishment. Sheep marks were recorded as 
for example : " Crop the right Ear, and a gad under the 
Left Ear." 

Hanibal was a most obstinate and intractable servant ; 
finally sold, after domestic discipline had been exhausted. 
Rising early, the master found Hannibal " had been out," 
and stripping, whipped the negro. In this case feminine 
sympathy did not affect Mrs. MacSparran, as in the case 
of Maroca, for as the man was being untied " my poor 
passionate dear," saying he had not had enough gave him 
a lash or two. He ran away and two chasing him, 
brought him home at night, having put " Pothooks " 
about his neck. " So y* it has been a very uneasy Day 
with us o y t God would give my Servants — the Gift of 
Chastity." With such real troubles abounding in daily 
life, one would think lay-reading might be let alone. 
The worthy parson's relations to negroes were both cler- 
ical and patriarchal. He tried to do his full duty. It 
was his custom to catechize them and once there were 
present fully one hundred. It seems eccentric to baptize 
Phillis, the daughter of his slave, before selling her, but 
that was incidental to the social situation. On more 
than one occasion he records attachment to Stepney, 
drowned in Pettaquamscutt Pond, " the faithfullest of 
all servants." The baptism of one Freelove, " a Mustee 
by colour and her child Katharine Lynalies Gardner " is 

32 Diary, p. 46. 



156 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

recorded with the note that Gardner was the master's 
name. 33 

There were more Irishmen among the settlers of New 
England than is generally estimated. Doctor MacSpar- 
ran was Irish and at the harvest in September he mentions 
Johnson and Kerigan, two young helpers. Next day " y e 
3 Irishmen took y eir leave " ; two were going to South 
Carolina, but Kerigan intended to stay and peddle. An- 
other day one Shirley, an Irish peddler, called. There 
are many indications of good relations and pleasant liv- 
ing with the slaves in the harvest time. " I gave 4 of 
Bro r Jn°' s negro's 10 s among them, and 2 s between Pom- 
pey and Jemmy Smith." 

Travel by land was not easy, and it was worse by 
water. The Doctor late in October, 1751, went by the 
Conanicut ferry to Newport, and by Borden's or Bristol 
ferry to Bristol to preach. Fearing a storm he hurried 
home, though the ferries were troublesome. Next day he 
records " Cold and windy with y e wind at Northwest. 
I thank God I came yesterday since I could not have 
crossed y e Ferrys with so much wind ag st me." Novem- 
ber 1st he notes for a fine day, " but I fear a weather 
breeder, as y e wild Geese flew to Day." 

The wife of Richard Smith, the first settler, brought 
from Gloucestershire to Narragansett, the recipe for mak- 
ing the celebrated Cheshire cheese, hence the quality and 
just repute of our product. Rents of farms were payable 
in produce. From the time of the French Revolution to 
the general peace after Napoleon, the United States were 
the neutral carriers for Europe. This favorable position 
gave great advantage to our farm products. Cheese 
brought ten dollars per hundred, with corn, barley, etc., 
in proportion. 34 

33 Updike, Goodwin, II., p. 467. 34 ibid., p. S&0. 



1751] Narragansett Cheese and Pacers 157 

The Narragansett pacer, exported so freely to the West 
Indies, should be noted. According to Mr. Isaac P. 
Hazard, 35 Governor Robinson imported the original stock 
from Andalusia, Spain. The breeding extended, and the 
horses being greatly appreciated in the West Indies were 
regularly sent out ; Robert Hazard exporting about one 
hundred annually. Their gait was marvelous, affording 
comfort in the saddle, which we can hardly conceive. The 
purely bred could not trot at all. According to authori- 
ties of the eighteenth century, the horse's backbone moved 
in a straight line, without swaying to either side, as in 
the pace or racking gait of this day. We have Mrs. 
Anstis Lee's account 36 of a journey into Connecticut in 
1791, when she rode the last mare "of pure blood and 
genuine gait." She went thirty miles, lodging at Plain- 
field, next day forty miles to a point near Hartford, 
where she stopped for two days. Then she made forty 
miles to New Haven, thence forty miles (sic) to New 
London, and forty miles more to reach her home in Narra- 
gansett. Such endurance, whether in horse or rider, has 
gone out of fashion. 

There might have been some local exaggeration, but 
the remarkable powers of the horse are well attested. 
They were obtained for racing in Philadelphia. In South 
Kingstown they raced on Little Neck Beach, and Doctor 
MacSparran said they went with great " Fleetness and 
Swift Pacing." From any point of view we may wonder 
that such valuable powers in a horse could have been 
allowed to pass away and disappear. Mr. I. P. Hazard 
said a chief cause proceeded from the extraordinary West 
Indian demand. Sugar brought sudden wealth, and the 
planters could not get pacers fast enough for their wives 

35 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. III., p. 37. 
38 Ibid., p. 101. 



158 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

and daughters. An agent stayed at Tower Hill, and from 
season to season he would never " let a good one escape 
him." This affected the general breeding. Also, they 
were not adapted to draught and farm work. Losing 
the jennet descended by crossing from a Barbary horse 
was an incident in the passage from slave-holding habits 
to the more moderate ways of a farming people. 

Old Narragansett was famous for its hospitality. Inns 
were poor, as Madam Knight depicts in her journey in 
1704, and they continued relatively the same through the 
century. Strangers and gentlemen traveling were intro- 
duced by letter and they were welcomed as guests by the 
free living residents of the country. Doctor Franklin, a 
frequent traveler, always arranged to spend the night 
with Doctor Babeock at Westerly. " Well-qualified tutors 
emigrated to the colonies, and were employed in family 
instruction, and to complete their education the young men 
were afterwards placed in the families of learned clergy- 
men. 37 Doctor MacSparran received young gentlemen 
into his family to be instructed. Thomas Clap, the able 
president of Yale College, was a good example of his 
work. Doctor Checkley, a graduate of Oxford, located 
as a missionary, taught several sons of Narragansett. 
Residence in such families was an excellent school in man- 
ners, as well as for improvement of the intellect. Young 
ladies were taught by tutors at home and " finished " at 
schools in Boston. Books were not common in those 
days, but there were good private libraries, as we have 
cited; and paintings, if only portraits, indicate culture. 38 

37 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 222. 

3 8 Professor Channing, in a discriminating study of the Planters 
(J. H. U. Studies), says, . . . "a race of large land-owners who 
have been called the Narragansett Planters, unlike the other New 
England aristocrats of their time, these people derived their wealth 
from the soil, and not from success in mercantile adventures . . . 



1751] Narragansett Culture Local, not Imported 159 

We have cited freely from Professor Charming, for it 
illustrates completely from another point of view the essen- 
tial character of this society, " an anomaly in the institu- 
tional history of Rhode Island," as he terms it in another 
connection. The same cause produced the aristocracy 39 
of Narragansett, the ultra-democracy of early Providence, 
and the modified representative government of Newport. 
That great cause was freedom. The privilege granted by 
Charles II. was developed by Roger Williams and John 
Clarke into power to make a free man into a political being 
— a citizen. A new political entity was born into the 
world, as European scholars are coming to recognize. 40 

For further elucidation, compare Doctor MacSparran's 
view in the opposite direction in America Dissected. The 
Doctor in the eighteenth century shows by his shadows 41 
deep-drawn of the body politic, the features which have 
become the high lights of history in the nineteenth and 
twentieth centuries. The ecclesiast, by his own showing, 

the routine of their daily lives was entirely unlike that of the 
Virginia planters. ... In fine they were large — large for the 
place and epoch — stock farmers and dairymen. ... It has been 
claimed that the progenitors of the Narragansett farmers were 
superior in birth and breeding to the other New England colonists, 
and that to this the aristocratic frame of Narragansett society is 
due. I do not find this to have been the case. . . . This refine- 
ment, however, belongs to the best period of Narragansett social 
life. It was the result of a peculiar social development and not a 
cause of that development." — Ibid., pp. 529-531. 

39 Aristocracy and democracy, as usually held, are conventional ex- 
pressions. I knew a sagacious old son of Rhode Island, a Jacksonian 
and democratic follower of Dorr. Arguing with him on some 
political matter, I used the first term when he answered emphatically, 
" Aristocracy ! a woman who seeks work with her own wash-tub is 
one thing, she who washes clothes in somebody else's wash-tub is 
another thing — that is aristocracy ! " My friend personally was an 
aristocrat, Doctor Eliot was a democrat. 

40 Ante, pp. 6, 8. 

4i Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 556. 



160 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

had neither lungs nor gills and could not breathe on 
land or water that was free. He could not conceive of 
religion without some sort of worship on Sunday. 42 

The franklins and manorial gentry of Narragansett 
were a picturesque feature in the more sober life of New 
England. Rowland Robinson,* father of the " unfor- 
tunate Hannah," in the middle eighteenth century, was a 
type of these citizens. When in full dress he usually wore 
a dark silk, velvet or brown broadcloth coat, light yellow 
plush waistcoat, with deep pockets and wide flaps resting 
partly on the hips, short violet colored breeches buckled 
at the knee, nicely polished boots with white tops, or silver- 
buckled shoes, a fine cambric shirt profusely ruffled 
at the bosom and wrists, with silk neck-tie to match. On 
his head was set a looped-up triangular hat, and in hand 
he carried a stout gold-headed cane. 

Dr. MacSparran visited England in 1754 with his wife, 
where she died of small-pox. He was much affected by 
the loss of this " most pious of all women, y e best wife in 
y e world." He came back to his home in 1756, his health 
broken and his constitution failing under his sorry be- 
reavement. He performed his clerical duties as far as he 
could. He died in December, 1757, and was buried under 
the Communion Table of the church he had created. 
" There was Rings mourning weeds & Gloves gave to y e 
Paul Bearers." While rector he had baptized 538 per- 

42 " Besides the members of our Church, who I may say are the 
best of the People, being Converts not from Convenience or Civil en- 
couragement, but Conscience and Conviction; there are Quakers, 
Anabaptists of four sorts. Independents, with a still larger number 
than all those of the Descendants of European parents, devoid of all 
religion, and who attend no kind of Public Worship. In all the 
other Colonies, the Law lays an Obligation to go to some sort of 
Worship on Sundays; but here, Liberty of Conscience is carried to 
an irreligious extreme." — Updike, Goodwin, Vol. III., p. 36. 

* Thomas R. Hazard, " Reminiscences," p. 19. 



1725] Typical Examples of Living 161 

sons, besides receiving many from other churches. For 
thirty-seven years he served the parish faithfully ; while he 
led in spirit, he ministered in all ways of living to his trust- 
ing followers. Southern Rhode Island will always hold 
his memory dear. 

Going back to the beginning of the second quarter of 
this century, we find the comforts of living enlarging as 
the county improved its agricultural condition. Samuel 
Tifft, 43 in 1725, with a personal estate of £947. 12., is a 
typical example. Wearing apparel at £27. 19., his gun, 
sword and razor stood at £1. 11., his saddle, bridle and 
male pillion at £1. 10. The household furnishing included 
five feather beds and furniture at £58. 12., one old flock 
bed and furniture £1. 2. and 13 chairs at £1. 14. Of the 
desirable warming pans, he had two at £1. 10., in other 
brass ware £1. 12., in pewter £7. 1. 8., in silver plate £5. 
12. and bottles were frequently valued in the various es- 
tates. In the humble tin ware there was Is. 2d. and the 
early wooden trencher was still used to the number of two 
dozen, valued with other pieces at 6s. Books were repre- 
sented by two old bibles at 4s. and a moderate farming 
outfit nourished the family. More or less butter and 
cheese — the latter in larger quantities — was in the inven- 
tories. He had cards, spinning wheels and worsted 
combs ; and as an example of home industry 20f yards 
" whome spun " broadcloth at £10.7., 29| yards cotton 
cloth and linen cloth at £6. 10., 3 yards linen do at 9s. 
and 20 yards " corse " cloth at £3. 15. 

Stephen Hazard was slightly better off, as befitted an 

owner of £2760. 15., in personal property. His best suit 

was adorned with silver buttons and he wore a beaver hat 

— all costing £19. 5., while his wear for every day stood 

43 These inventories are from South Kingston MS. Frobate Rec- 
ords, Vol. II., p. 34, et seq. 



162 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

at £10. 5. In a pair of silver shoe buckles and two but- 
tons there was £1. 3. 6. and in a silver seal 5s. ; 4 silver 
spoons were valued at £5. 8. 2. Mr. Hazard owned the 
first silver tankard on record, costing £24. 18. 8. One 
case bottles and metheglin was appraised at £1. 10. 
There were 36 milch cows at £193., 4 working oxen at 
£35., besides 22 fat Cattle on Great Island. He had 29 
yearling neat cattle at £72. 10., 32 two and three years 
old £144, turkeys and fowls at 6s., with 24 geese at £.8. 
Geese were very common. 

Caleb Hazard lived on 160 acres land, valued with his 
dwelling at £1400. He had moderate stock and furnish- 
ing out of doors and within. Two small tables and a 
high candlestick were valued at £1.; a case of drawers 
with the inevitable oval table £6. 15. ; one looking glass 
£5. 10., another £4. 10. A linen wheel employed the femi- 
nine spinners. For kitchen and table service there was 
iron ware £3. 1. Tin do., £1. 4. A brass kettle, skillet 
and pepper box £6. 2. 6., a slice, chafing dish, etc., £4. 12. 
10., wooden ware and trenchers 6s., pewter platters and 
other ware £6., 5 silver spoons £3. 16. He worked his 
farm with one old negro at £20., a better one at £70., a 
young negro girl at £35., two Indian boys at £20. and 
£15. His wearing apparel cost £23. 11., and he was a 
type of the smaller land holders to come in a generation 
or two later. 

Another class in society was represented by N. Osborn, 
dressed in wearing apparel at £7. 1. 6., and with a per- 
sonal estate of £64. 12. 6. This included one feather bed 
(not the best of the time) at £17. 26. ; tin and brass ware 
with pepper box at 2s. 6d. and a warming pan at 5s., 
one knife with fork and tobacco box at 2s. He was a 
spinner and shoemaker. 

Daniel Landon was a working carpenter, possessed of 



1730] Habits of Working Men 163 

£22. 14. in personal estate. His woollen clothing and 
hat were worth only £1. 15., a very low outlay for any 
man. A " whone, razor " and penknife were lis., wooden 
ware 6s. 6d., pewter and earthen ware 14s., five old chairs 
10s. No books and they were rare generally; in an- 
other case the library was valued at 10s., in yet another 
14s. There was often a family bible, but it was not as 
general as in Providence. The old-fashioned joynt stool 
was often used, and razors had become almost universal in 
this century. 

It was not often that feminine dress had developed to 
its proper superiority over the male. In 1730 Josiah 
Sherman, with a personal estate of £188.9., expended 
£17. '3. on his clothes. His wife was allowed £26. 8., an 
appropriate difference, further accentuated by a gold 
ring and three ribbons, costing £1. 4. 

Gold Rings were becoming common, as in 1732 Thomas 
Raynolds had three at £3. He was a tailor probably, 
having a goose and shears, a thimble and needles. Ex- 
pended moderately in clothing £17. 11., including gloves 
and garters and a " Rokelo." We should not neglect 
one silver buckleband and a bottle at lis. or two links of 
silver buttons at 6s. 

Wm. Gardner was of another class, with £897. 4. in 
personal property in 1732. He walked bravely, clad at 
a cost of £33. 16., carrying a cane and a gold ring. His 
riding horse, saddle and bridle, holsters, pistols and pow- 
der flask were worth £40. Knives and forks at 15s., tin 
ware at lis. 6d., silver plate £7.5. His farming outfit 
was small, worked by a negro woman at £90, a boy at 
£30. and two girls at £65. and £45. In books he had 
£3. 5. 

A still is mentioned valued at £11. Christopher Helme 
Yeoman from a personal estate of £1274. 19. had ex- 



164 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

pended £37. 9. for his wearing apparel. His cattle and 
swine were worth £497. 1., and his four negroes £195. 
This title of yeoman was occasionally used ; if used at all, 
why should it not have been used more frequently? 

Wm. Gardner, of Boston Neck, had the large personal 
estate of £4945. 17., as well as his valuable lands. Dr. 
MacSparran married into this family. Mr. Gardner's 
clothing was valued at £78. 10., and his " Rought plate " 
£92. 8. Three beds and furniture at £40., one wanning 
pan at £3. Pewter at £13. 7. There were spinning and 
linen wheels — no loom — and a large number of cattle, 
sheep and horses. The force of slaves was large, three 
Indians at £175., six negroes at £470., three negro women 
at £420. 

Occasionally we get the details of a funeral. Caleb 
Hazard's was in 1725-6, and the cost of the coffin was £1., 
with stones to mark the grave at £2. The expenditure for 
rum at the ceremony was £1. 10. Has son died soon after 
and the expenses were very closely scaled to mark two 
ranks of men. For the young man's coffin they paid 17s., 
and for the gravestones £1. 5. For rum to ameliorate 
the condition of the sympathizing neighbors, the family 
allowed only 6s. 

Silver plate was becoming diffused among people of 
moderate means. The majority of inventories had a few 
spoons. In 1733, Jeremiah Clark, in a personal estate 
of £285. 10., had a small farming outfit, a loom and a 
spinning wheel, £8. 10. was in pewter. In plate, there 
were 10 silver spoons, a silver cup, one piece silver, two 
pieces gold (possibly coin), all valued at £20. The 
most expensive silver seal at a cost of £14. was worn by 
George Belfore. He was a trader, having £1350. in shop 
goods, in a personal estate of £4499. 9. 

The widow Knowles, of moderate circumstances in 1734, 



1734] A Widow's Outfit 165 

allowed herself £25. 16. in linen and woollen clothing and 
in three beds with furniture £48. 14. In table linen and 
pewter ware there was £. 6. 6., in iron ware £5. She had 
a large bible at £2. 19., and her personal property was 
£167. 5. Bibles were becoming more frequent ; in an- 
other case in 1734, there was £4. 5. in a bible and other 
books. Probably Doctor MacSparran would have said 
this improvement was due to the good influences of St. 
Paul's Church. 

It is interesting when we can get at the details of a 
personal wardrobe. In 1735, George Webb 44 had a suit 
of " full cloath " at £5. 10., a suit of Duroy £4. 10. and 
other apparel costing £18. 10. In five pairs of shoes 
and one pair old boots, there was a value of £2. 13. His 
large bible was £3., but he was a citizen of the church 
militant, having two old cutlasses, a pistol and two guns. 
His personal estate was £253. 18. 

Josiah Westcott, in a personal estate of £543. 16., had 
carpenter's and glazier's tools. With moderate furnish- 
ing in his house, he kept one cow and one mare without. 
He expended £40. upon his wardrobe, and better £5. for 
books. 

Charles Higinbotham in 1736 varied somewhat from 
the customary dress of the small proprietors. To his 
apparel at £30. he added a hat and cane at £3., a pair of 
spectacles " sliper " and boots at 15s. He possessed the 
first recorded wig at £1. His riding horse, saddle and 
bridle were appraised at £25. and there was added £1. for 
portmanteau and bridle bitts. Knives and forks were 15s. 
He had £36. in '36 ounces of silver plate and £8. 10. in 
books, a respectable library for the time. Notwithstand- 
ing a comparatively small personal estate of £446. 2. he 
had in slaves a mulatto woman at £70., a " mustee " boy 
"South Kingston MS. Rec, Vol. III., p. 2. 



166 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

at £30., a similar girl at £20. Robert Hannah sported 
a watch at £10. He had silver plate, gold and silver 
buttons and shoebuckles, with a snuff box. There were 
four negroes at £225. in the personal property of £1207. 
15. 

John Smith, of the universal name, was evidently a 
poor person, though he lived in comfort on personal prop- 
erty of £55. 10. His apparel cost £2. 10., a small amount 
even for a laborer, and he had £3. 3. in pewter. One cow, 
four pigs and poultry afforded the basis of a good liv- 
ing, while two spinning wheels gave employment. 

Elizabeth Gardner in 1737, a modest widow with prop- 
erty of £111. 17., expended on her wardrobe only £11. 
In pewter she had £2. and in one bible £3. ; in an old settle 
12s., in a spinning wheel £1. There were four cows and 
one heifer at £44., and three mares, old and young, valued 
at £5. Mary Bunday's was one of the smallest estates 
recorded, with wearing apparel at £2. 16., buckles at 5s. 
and a testament at 4s. 

In 1738 we have John Jullien, with a personal estate of 
£1605. 18. He had a watch and cane with hatter's 
" utentials " at £16. 13. 

Honorable George Hazard in 1738, with a personal 
estate of £6288.16., brings us back to the semi-feudal pro- 
prietors. His house, built about 1733, was at the " Fod- 
dering Place " on the northeast shore of Point Judith 
Pond. Existing until a generation ago, it was a type of 
the good houses of that period. It was two stories high 
on the front of fifty feet, slanting to one story at the 
rear. Over the entrance was a fan light and above this 
a large arched window, giving light to the hall. This 
square hall had a handsome staircase of oak and a bal- 
ustrade. At the south end was the parlor, a very large 
room with the favorite Colonial buffet, where the silver 



1738] Ways of Semi-Feudal Proprietors 167 

plate was displayed. In the better houses these buffets 
were ornamental as well as pretentious, scrolled at top and 
back with quaint carvings. The house was given to his 
son George, Mayor of Newport. 45 One suit of his clothes 
cost £61. 5. and other apparel £71. 2., while a sword, cane 
and horsewhip stood at £12. 10. Hazard was generally 
the name best dressed. In silver plate he was well sup- 
plied, including a tankard at £30., two porringers, salt 
cellar and 11 spoons at £49. 10. Of pewter articles he 
had the value of £8. 18., and in 11 silver buttons there 
was £1. 16. The clock was valued at £35., thirteen chairs, 
the first mentioned of leather, were £27., two oval tables 
£5., the inevitable joynt stool £1., a high case of drawers 
£9., a looking glass £6., and two more at £3. The general 
housefurnishing was ample. The first specified " drink- 
ing glasses " stood at 13s., with other glasses at the 
same rate. " Pipes and glasses also were 3s. Five punch 
bowls were £1. 15. Glasses again and stone ware were 
£3. 9. Teacups and saucers 10s. Bohea tea 14s. The 
honorable gentleman had books at £38. 6., as he should 
have had. A sailing boat and canoe were appraised at 
£41. There was a large supply of cattle, sheep and 
swine. Eight acres in corn stood at £44., one acre in 
wheat at £8., nine acres in oats at £27. In slaves there 
were four negro men at £440., one girl at £90., the time of 
a " mustee " boy at £25., do. of an Indian boy £28. 

Betty Heeth, 1738-9, owned a pair of worsted combs 
at £2. 5., without spinning wheels. Evidently she combed 
and carded; if she spun also, she used her employer's 
wheel. In another case a spinner and weaver with linen 
wheel at £1. 10. and loom at same price, owned a " nat- 
ural pacing" mare and colt at £26., a low price. Her 
wearing apparel cost £15. 7. Silver shoe buckles and but- 
45 Robinson, " Hazard Family," p. 24. 



168 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

tons, as well as the " wigg," were common, and punch 
bowls went along with tea cups and saucers. Ichabod 
Potter in 1739 had a fancy for " lingomvata," for a punch 
bowl of this with a sugar box was only 5s., while the two 
regular punch bowls were at £1. He had the favorite 
mortar of the same hard wood costing 15s. 

A large bible with " y e Hypocriphy," one colony laws 
and other small books were worth £5. 

Elizabeth Tefft, in 1740, with personal estate of £401. 
12., was a typical woman in moderate circumstances. 
Her wearing apparel with two beds and bedding at £30. 
10., showed that she cared more for silver than for dress 
and furniture. For in silver plate there was 7 oz. 3 pwt. 
7 grains at £9. 17. 10., while in gold not specified there 
were 52 grains at £1.6. In brass ware she had £6.3., in 
iron £9. 11., in pewter £6. 11. Her stock comprised four 
cows and a calf at £51., one mare and yearling colt at 
£25., and three swine at £4. 5. She was a sensible and 
economical manager. 

In 1738, we noted the effects of Hon. George Hazard, 
his elegant attire as he walked abroad ; his fine display 
of punch bowls and drinking glasses at home ; with a 
library suitable for a gentleman. Sarah his widow died 
in 1740 and her equipment was worthy of her station 
and her personal estate of £5324. 12. The comparative 
wardrobe of this husband and wife, enjoying what they 
wanted, shows clearly that the men dressed better than 
the women. Mrs. Hazard's clothing at £59. 12. was less 
than half the value of her husband's. In jewelry she 
excelled, though the outlay was not excessive. Her gold 
necklace and locket cost £10. These gold beads — 
afterward so common in women's wear — were the first 
recorded. A gold ring, jewels and snuff box stood at 
£6. 10. Apparently gold rings were more often worn by 



1740] How Wives of the Proprietors Lived 169 

men than by women. The snuff box was a necessity ; for 
nearly a century ago everybody, men and women together, 
took snuff. The lady's riding horse, saddle and bridle 
cost £70. 12. 

At the same time Toby Champlin, " an Indian man," 
stood at the other end of the social scale with effects at 
£'36. 13. It was the humblest sort of an outfit, including 
scythes, tools, fishing gear, oyster tongs and an old horse 
at 5s. Ann Kelly was not as provident as Elizabeth 
Tefft, for in an estate of £16. 16. 6., she left £12. 7. 6. in 
wearing apparel. In 1741 a negro girl about two years 
old was valued at £40. In most cases the fair sex took 
care of their persons, though they were relatively more 
moderate than the wealthy men. In 1743, Mary Vileat, 46 
single, invested £33. 16. in her wardrobe from an estate 
of £113. 4. In one case we find 2160 lbs. of cheese at 
£135. The proprietor had 12 negroes. A negro boy 
nine years old was worth £70. Hour glasses appeared 
occasionally. In 1744 a chamber pot was appraised with 
a warming pan at £1. 7. It does not appear whether 
the convenience had changed from pewter to white stone 
ware, as was occurring elsewhere. A silver watch comes 
in at £25., with a pocket compass at £1. In 1746, Simon 
Ray was recorded " Gentleman " with one of the largest 
collections of books worth £32. 18. Courtesy treated him 
more kindly than circumstance, for his estate was only 
£74. 9. A clock at £55., with a better looking glass at 
£18., shows an advancing scale of housekeeping. Silver 
buttons increase, and were needed to match the shoe 
buckles. And wigs were well established. Silver plate 
was the frequent luxury turning into comfort, just as pew- 
ter was two generations previously. 

In 1746-7 Jonathan Hazard Yeoman, with an estate 
40 S. K. MSS. Rec, IV. 



170 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

of £7971. had £78. in wearing apparel, while " the 
weoman's " was £22. 8. Only £2. for the bible and other 
books. He had twelve negroes to do his work and stored 
£100. worth of cheese in his " Great Chamber bedroom." 
In another inventory we may note the first definitely indi- 
cated white " stone chamber pot " at 5s., about one- 
quarter or one-fifth the value of the article in pewter. 
A small farmer wearing silver shoe buckles had £40. in 
carpenter's tools. In 1748, Benjamin Perry, with estate 
of £2935., gets a detailed record of his wardrobe, the 
first whole suit standing at £39. 10., the second at £32. 10., 
the third at £20. 17., with a pair of boots at £2, His 
walking stick was ornamented with an ivory head, and 
cost him 5s. His riding mare, saddle and bridle were 
£60., and his hunting saddle and bridle £5. There was a 
set of glazier's tools and " a still which goes by the name 
of Limbeck " at £10. Equipped with silver spoons, he 
had the somewhat unusual earthen-porringer, three at 3s., 
and a wooden candlestick at 3s. His were the first noted 
" beaker " glasses, two at 4s. Altogether, his life was 
out of the common way of a Narragansett proprietor. 

In another case, the estate was £9943., the wearing ap- 
parel £142., with one looking glass at £20., another at 
£15. There were earthen cups and saucers and other arti- 
cles, including porringer, at 16s. Here was found the first 
recorded " Chany " ware, four bowls, four saucers, seven 
cups at £8. 10. Silver, as usual, with books at £3. 
Earthen ware in some degree took the place of pewter; 
very likely it served for the slaves, of whom there were 
seven in this instance. Wm. Gardner Yeoman had an 
estate of £1604. in 1749, while Ebenezer Nash Labourer 
had £48. 9. Another laborer was well to do with 
an estate of £310., of which £41. 8. was in his ward- 
robe, £9. 11. in carpenter's tools, and £1. 10. in a linen 



1750] A Mulatto and a Governor 171 

wheel. John Taulbary, mulatto, left estate of £35. 17. 
distributed in a significant manner. Against a gun at 
£4. 10. may be set two wheels at £2. A bedstead and 
bedding at £3., made him comfortable, as it was reinforced 
in cold weather with a warming pan, which was valued 
with " a how " at ££. 10. A fiddle at 10s., a teapot and 
drinking glasses at £1. 10., provided for the aesthetic 
sense of a lone darky, who was probably not lonesome. 

After studying these varying grades of social develop- 
ment we rise to Governor William Robinson. His life 
was the culmination of the mid-century system of living 
in this nook of Rhode Island. Quaker by connection, 
born in 1693, dying in 1751, he inherited land and bought 
largely, leaving some 1385 acres to be divided among his 
sons. He had previously given them farms at their 
majority. In public life for 24 years he held responsible 
places ; being Speaker of the House for four years and 
Deputy-Governor 1745-1748. 

Hon. William Robinson 47 inventoried a personal estate 
of £21,573. 5. to his widow and executrix Abigail. Here 
were large affairs entrusted to a woman. He dressed well 
for a Quaker from a wardrobe at £130., though not as 
well as his neighbors, the Hazards, such as were not 
Friends. His large house was on the site of the Welch 
villa just east of Wakefield. On the first floor were the 
great-room, great-room bedroom, coining-room, dining- 
room bedroom, store bedroom, northeast bedroom, Kitchen, 
closet, store-closet, cheese-room, milk-room, etc. There 
were sleeping-rooms corresponding above, but from the 
number of these accessible bedrooms, we may perceive that 
our ancestors did not like to climb stairs. In the open 
attic, weaving and spinning were carried on. There was 

*7 S. K. MSS. Records, Vol. IV., p. 335. Robinson, " Hazard 
Family," p. 34. 



172 King's County, the Patriarchal Condition 

ample bedding, and two beds and bedding at £150. stood 
in the " Great Room Bedroom." A clock at £145. and a 
large looking glass at £15. 11 chairs at ££0. helped the 
furnishing. The silver plate " in the bowfatt" of the 
Great Room was worth £374. 8., the largest so far re- 
corded. The table outfit was sufficient, but not equal to 
that of the better sort of neighbors. " Chane " ware £25. 
Pewter plates £36. 10. Knives and Forks £4. Tin ware 
£1. 10. Iron £22. Earthen £5. Note four "small 
mapps " and one set " bruches " at £3., while the library 
and an old desk were appraised at £5. Evidently this 
planter and statesman did not trouble himself with book 
learning. 

There were 4060 lbs. of cheese at £558. 5. and a good 
line of cattle and horses in the stables. He bred the 
pacers largely and always rode one when he superintended 
his farming. These fleet creatures took water readily. 
There were many streams to be forded, and after a storm 
the Pettaquamscutt especially would change its fords. 
If a slave could not find a safe footing, a good woman 
rider would swim the turbid stream. The Governor had 
20 negroes, the largest number found in King's or the 
South County. The highest value for a negro was £500., 
and two more were £450. each, the highest woman stood 
at £320. There were debts on his books due him for 
£1316. The funeral charges of this magnate were £269. 
17. 

The wearing apparel of the respectable citizen in 1725 
to 1750 cost from £14. to £40. in the depreciating cur- 
rency. It very rarely dropped below the first sum. As 
prices expanded under the inflation the amount went up 
to £75. and £95. ; for the Governor £130. and two of the 
well-dressed Hazards appropriated £142. and £184. The 
women dressed less expensively, expending generally less 



1750] Slaves and Paper Inflation 173 

than £25. The most extravagant only spent £59. and 
£70. We have noted the estates of George Hazard and 
his widow, for relative expenditure of the man and woman. 
This outlay for dress was materially lower than that pre- 
vailing in Providence at the same time. Books were 
scarce and little used among the people at large. 

The price of slaves in King's County responded to the 
inflation of the paper currency in the second quarter of 
the century, quite as rapidly as any kind of property. 
There were more men than women enslaved, and descend- 
ants of the old Indian captives often appear. The rough 
average value of men and women was curiously equivalent, 
running from £107. to £108. for either sex. The number 
of slaves has been greatly exaggerated by tradition. Mr. 
Updike 48 says about 1730, " families would average 
from five to forty slaves each." Tfhe greatest number I 
have found in any inventory was twenty — in Governor 
Robinson's. Other wealthy estates had about a dozen 
each, never more. 

The whole scale of living in the Narragansett country 
at this period has been equally exaggerated by tradition. 
They hunted foxes occasionally, raced their pacers on 
the smooth beaches and had good times as compared 
with Puritan colonists. They lived handsomely, even 
luxuriously, if we consider other agricultural communities 
in New England. But tradition has outrun the facts. 
Mr. I. P. Hazard and Shepard Tom having a fine romantic 
vein in their imagination, sketched freely. We should 
imitate their admirable romantic spirit, as far as we are 
able, in contemplating this interesting social period. But 
for digits and calculations, we must study the inventories 
and such absolute facts as remain- 
48 Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 208. 



CHAPTER VI 

PERIOD UNDER CHARTER OF CHARLES II. 

1663—1730 

THE inherent fundamental right of religious liberty, 
for which Roger Williams had striven so earnestly, 
found also in the seventeenth century its official recogni- 
tion in law, first in the laws of 1647 of Rhode Island and 
then in the charter which Charles II. granted the colony 
of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in 1663. 
The wide separation of the colonies from the mother- 
country did not make this liberty appear dangerous, 
though it was in such contradiction to the conditions in 
England. " Charles II. sought further in his aversion to 
the Puritans to favor as much as possible the colonies 
that had separated from Massachusetts." 1 

The English commonwealth did much for our colony, 
but perhaps the easy-going King Charles did more. The 
definite promulgation of religious liberty in the charter 
adopted in 1663, with practical provisions for maintain- 
ing it as a common right of the citizen, placed the colonial 
government on a new basis. The crown being the neces- 
sary center in the course of legitimate government, it had 
come to be regarded as the source of polity. In Rhode 
Island, loyalty to the crown carried the right of freedom 
of conscience as well. This great principle gave power 
and progress to the little community. Whatever might 
be the defects in organization of such a heterogeneous 
people, they were gradually overcome by the new unify- 

i Jellinek, " Rights of Man and of Citizens," p. 69. 

174 



1663] Freedom of Conscience Supported by Law 175 

ing principle. 2 The results of the visit of the Royal Com- 
missioners in 1665 justify this statement. Their wel- 
come was better here and they found a more concordant 
administration than in the neighboring colonies. The 
constant pressure of the neighbors on Rhode Island had 
been severe. The legitimate authority of the crown 
seemed light in comparison with the Massachusetts effort 
for dominion, regarded as tyranny. 

Prosperous Newport was moving on. Coddington in 
his " True Love " mentions the good business of the 
Island shipping carried on with the Barbados. The 
enforced immigration of the Quakers gave economic prog- 
ress to Newport, as the direct result of persecution in 
Massachusetts and antipathy in Connecticut. A vigorous 
and thrifty element in the population, they " set up " 
their Yearly Meeting as early as 1661. By 1666 they 
received John Burnyeat, a distinguished missionary, and 
by 1672 George Fox and others 3 came to look up these 
prosperous brethren. In 1672 one of their number, 
Nicholas Easton, was elected governor. 

Better houses of the type of Coddington's were being 
erected in 1665 to 1670. The pioneer or end-chimney 
design was giving place to the central chimney or more 
prosperous Connecticut form, with two or four rooms on 
each floor. The population of the colony in 1675 was 
2500 to '3000. Providence and Portsmouth had about 
200 houses each, Newport having as many as both. 

2 Up to 1663 Rhode Island had been only a confederation of 
towns; Clarke now made it a kind of federal republic under the 
name of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. 

3 The point of view controlled the conception and portrait of a 
Quaker in those days. Roger Williams set forth one Edmundson, 
an ex-soldier, then a Quaker preacher, " a flash of wit, a face 
of Brass and a Tongue set on fire from the Hell of Lyes and 
Fury." 



176 Period Under Charter of Charles II. 

About the same time Pardon Tillinghast was building the 
first wharf in Providence; the beginning of an important 
commerce a generation later. Meanwhile the rich fields 
of the Island and afterward the Narragansett country 
were furnishing large exports for the West Indies and 
even for Europe. In 1674, Governor William Brenton 
bequeathed 1500 sheep. As William Harris reported, 4 
Newport could furnish wool to Europe. The Brentons 
farmed on a large scale, and the larger proprietors lived 
in a manner more manorial than was customary in New 
England. Elizabeth C. Brenton describes the outdoor 
equipment of the family in the spring of 1675. Six 
large riding-mares came to the door, three bearing side 
saddles. Three tall young women, daughters of the late 
Governor Brenton, prepared for the mount. Each lady 
wore a broadcloth riding habit, with high-heeled shoes. 
Her beaver hat was adorned with black ostrich plumes, 
and was turned up to show roached and powdered hair. 

We have more detailed information of the smaller way 
of living among the farmers at Portsmouth. In 1667, 5 
Restand Sanford, a bachelor, with five brothers and one 
sister, makes his brother Samuel and sister Eliphel Straton 
his heirs. He gives legacies to Samuel, the executor, one 
mare, one silver cup, a bed and bolster, to sister Sara 
wife of Samuel a mare-colt and a five-shilling piece of 
gold, to each of her children a ewe lamb. To his brother 
Esbon, absent, he gives 4 ewe sheep ; but if he is not heard 
of in one year, the ewes should go to brother Samuel and 
sister Eliphel. Should Esbon finally return, he was to 
receive the ewes. The inventory summed up £35.3.10. 
Among the items were Indian corn on the ground £2., 
ten ewes and four lambs £5.16. Woollen apparel stood 

4 Ante, p. 88. 

5 Records Portsmouth, p. 405. 



1668] Way of Living at Portsmouth 177 

at £5., three hats at 16s., four neckcloths and a cap at 7s. 
The library consisted of three books at 6s. 8d. One old 
bed and bolster was worth £3. and three small sheets and 
two shirts 4s. A bridle and saddle were valued at 16s., 
a mare and colt £7. One silver cup and spoon stood at 
£1.15.9. 

Silver utensils came into use on the Island earlier than 
they were used in the Plantation of Providence. 

Joseph Wayte, who was drowned, left a better estate 
amounting to £89.15.10. His woollen and linen clothes 
with his hats were appraised at £10. In pewter ware he 
had £1.10., in tin and brass £1.2., in iron £1.5., in wooden 
ware £1. A smoothing iron was 7s., a spinning wheel 
8s., and four pounds of cotton yarn 10s. The com- 
fortable feather bed and bedding was worth £16., and a 
cup and six spoons 4s. Two guns and a pair of " Banda- 
leers " stood at £2., and two peaceful scythes at £2.16. 

The bequest of Alice Conland 6 shows the growing in- 
terest in the Society of Friends, Ninth month, 1664. Her 
husband approving, she gave a stone house and land for 
" friends in the ministrey Cauled Quakers by the world, 
that they may be entertained therein, in all times to come 
Even for Ever." She gave also a featherbed, two pillows, 
three blankets and one coverlet, two pairs of sheets, two 
" pillowbers," two towels, one basin, one candlestick and 
one chamberpot. 

Apprentices of both sexes were bound under conditions 
of all sorts. Mary Holson in 1668 was not to " keep com- 
pany with deboyst or vncivell Company," and at the end 
of five years was to receive a new suit of apparel suitable 
for holidays or other days. Henry Straight in 1667 
contracted with a most particular master, Gershom Wod- 
dell. There were all the customary stipulations for six 
s Records Portsmouth, p. 403. 



178 Period Under Charter of Charles II. 

years ; moreover he was " neither to buy or sell " nor to 
" Commit fornication nor Contract matrimony." Wod- 
dell contracted for the usual support and to give " next 
Spring one ewe lamb and all increase," but Woddell was 
to retain the wool. These provisions conveying increase 
of animals are interesting, for they strengthen the social 
bonds between the haves and have nots. 

Woddell was an omnivorous buyer of labor. He bought 
in 1676 7 an Indian woman, Hannah, condemned to per- 
petual slavery by New Plymouth. The bill of sale to her 
original proprietor, Adam Right, of Duxbury, was " un- 
der the hand of Captain Benjamin Church." It would 
seem that the town had reversed its policy. For in 1675, 
several persons having purchased Indians " which may 
prove very prejuditiall " were given one month to dispose 
of them. 

In 1665, William Earle and William Correy were 
granted 1^ acres of land to maintain a wind-mill. In 
1668, the lot was increased to 2 acres. This was the 
customary method for encouraging industries. In 1670 
Thomas Brooke received a grant of land " for his trade 
beinge a Lether dresser." 

Alas ! all these simple people were not industrious, for 
a sufficient pair of stocks were ordered by the town. 

There were occasional votes admitting " an Inhabitant " 
without conditions. In 1672 8 the prices fixed for prod- 
uce to be received for taxes were, corn at 3s., peas at 3s., 
pork at 3d., beef at 2d., wool at 12d., peage at 16 per 
penny for white, cheese as agreed upon. In 1675, the 
rate assigned to Newport and Portsmouth amounted to 
£400., and the share of the latter was £120. 

We must consider larger matters, for Rhode Island and 

i Records Portsmouth, p. 434. 
s Ibid., p. 173. 



1686] Government of Andros 179 

Providence Plantations was to feel now a ? stronger hand 
„nd to come under immediate control of the Ciown ot 
Enrfand The Provisional Government of New England 
!ndt Dudley, of Massachusetts and "^<^° 
accomplished much in the way of executive effoit. June 
3 1686 Sir Edmund Andros, formerly governor of New 
York was appointed Governor of all these provinces, m- 
cludmg ours^ He was directed to demand surrender of 
our charter, but this was not effectively carried out 

Mr. Brigham properly points out," though he attempts 
to prove too much in consequence, that Rhode Island suf- 
fer^ more in the seventeenth century, from the fierce 
differences between her own parties than from attempted 
oppression on the part of the neighboring colomes. At 
the time of this new movement, six factions were sending 
memorials to London ashing for something especial as a 
privilege. Naturally so many opposmg varmnces neu- 
tralized themselves. , , 

However, this new period was to open practical rule by 
the home government in the colonies. Theocracy might 
dread this, but representative government would not sui- 
te so much. Theocratic advocates have always treated 
the movements of such times, as if they were the expression 
of the people. But in fact, the theocratic functionaries 
represented a small, though able, functmn of the state 
Progressive government has been constantly expanding 
to embrace all, as well as the wiser or better portions „f 
the people. In Rhode Island then, the governing foic 
£ue P d from the very basis of the towns Turbulent and 
often irregular as it was, it came nearer to representation 
than anything the world had known previously. Ihe 
action of thefe towns as well as their aberrat.ons were 
civic and politic ; they were not theocratic. 
8 " Rhode Island," p. 141- 



180 Period Under Charter of Charles II. 

Notwithstanding disorderly factions and powerful op- 
pressive neighbors, an incipient state was being formed 
around Narragansett Bay. The population was nearly 
equal to that of Plymouth, amounting in 1686 to about 
4000. 10 Of these, some 2500 were on the Island, 600 in 
Providence, and the remainder settled in the other towns. 

Andros established himself in Boston in December, wrote 
a very friendly letter and demanded our charter of Gov- 
ernor Walter Clarke. The reply was urbane enough for 
a more polite community, though it did not answer directly 
to the autocratic deputy. The charter " was at their 
Governor's house in Newport, and that it should be forth- 
coming when sent for, but in regard to the tcdiousness and 
bad weather, it could not then be brought." The precious 
document was never obtained by the Royal Governor, 
though he took the colony seal and broke it. He at- 
tempted to collect taxes, excise on liquors and occasional 
quit-rents on lands; 11 little money was received. When 
William invaded England in 1689, Massachusetts was 
quite ready for revolution and drove out Andros. 

Rhode Islande resumed her charter government, and 
adopted a new colony seal with the motto of " Hope." 
The charter was finally confirmed under the opinion of the 
English attorney-general in 1693, and the governor was 
appointed by the Crown. A small party, chiefly of land- 
holders in Narragansett, led by Francis Brinley, who hated 
the towns and democratic government, opposed as far as 
possible. Brinley threatened to remove and withdraw 
from the control of the " Quaker mob government." As 
his land could not move with his ideas, he remained and 
bitterly opposed the government. 

While these great political changes were occurring, the 

io " Rhode Island," p. 142. 
ii Ibid., p. 145. 



1686] Life at Portsmouth 181 

commerce of Newport was going ahead on an enlarging 
scale. In 1682 a naval office was opened there to register 
all " deck vessells." This was concurrent with an exten- 
sion of commerce throughout New England. Salisbury 
on the Merrimac became a port of entry in 1681, and 
Ipswich in 1685. The Navigation Acts abhorred by many 
American historians injured the Dutch, but actually 
helped the commerce of New England; which traded 
largely in smuggled goods, carried in ships of its own 
building. Boston had much more wealth and established 
trade, but was not as enterprising. Maverick wrote in 
1669, " shipg & stirringe merchts are the only want 
heare." 12 John Hull would not even receive wines on 
consignment nor ship lumber and fish to the Canaries, 
preferring the West Indian trade. 

We may note some items from the interesting records 
of Portsmouth. The power and scope of domiciliary 
supervision was beyond any civic function conceived of 
in our day. We have given instances, as it was exerted 
over the household. With travelers and interlopers it 
was even more remarkable. The stranger, if not suspected, 
must be watched and attended carefully in any sojourn. 
An ordinance in 1671 13 provided that " Islands prudence 
& patience shall not receive nor entertaine any Strainger 
without the consent and aprobation of the Towne (Ports- 
mouth "). William Cadman was to be notified of the order 
forbidding entertainment for more than one month, and 
to be forewarned in the case of William Maze to apply 
the restriction. On the other hand, hospitality must not 
be affronted. " Several countrymen " in a particular in- 
stance had arrived " exposed to some present hardships." 
Anybody was authorized to entertain these, orders to the 

12 4 M. H. C, VII., p. 318. 

13 Records Portsmouth, p. 158. 



182 Period Under Charter of Charles II. 

contrary notwithstanding. Anyone not especially licensed 
to sell strong drink to Indians was liable to a fine of 20s. 
Ordinary tavern licenses were 10s. per annum. 

Regulation of the common lands was a fertile source 
of trouble, as it was elsewhere. The " Newport men " 
were particularly debarred from cutting and carrying 
wood away. In the troublous times of 1675, 100 acres 
of the common was set off for those driven from their 
homes by Indians. The land was " lent for two years," 
to be sowed or planted. The customary industrial privi- 
leges were allowed. Richard Knight, a weaver, was 
granted a residence for four months. Land was awarded 
one acre in extent to W. Ricketson and liberty given for 
dams and trenches for a " water mill for public use." 

Prices for rates were fixed in 1680, land at 40s. per 
acre, horses and cattle over one year old 40s. ea. Swine 
over one year 6s. each, sheep £4. the score. In 1688 
Indian corn was at 2s. per bushel, barley 2s. 6d., oats 12d. 
and wool 74d. per lb. 

Pay in kind for all sorts of public service often appears 
in these times, when actual money was a very scarce arti- 
cle. T. Jennings was awarded six pounds of wool to pay 
him for " warning of a town meeting." A register of mar- 
riages was kept. In all the towns, recorded cattle marks 
were important factors in regulating this species of prop- 
erty. Fancy and caprice were freely put forth, in getting 
some characteristic mark, which might assure possession. 
For example, let us look in upon Thomas Cook, Senior, as 
he wrought at the ears of his cows. He made a crop 
on the left ear and " a hapeny " under the lower side of the 
same ear and a slit on the right ear. This was entered 
March 9, 1667-8, having been in use about twenty-six 
years. 

If Nature was bountiful, giving soil and sunshine for 



1699 ] Bellomont and Piracy 183 

the corn, she sent her own busy blackbirds to .exercise their 
privilege and take toll away from _ the toihng arm- 
The town compelled every honseholder to Ul 12 black 
birds before May 10 or to forfeit two shdhngs. Those 
killing more were to receive a bounty of one penny each. 

fo 1699 Newport was to be brought to account by 
lid Beilomont-one of the few active and senile roya 
governors-for transactions with pirates The Boaid o 
Trade two years before had cautioned Rhode Island that 
I was "a place where pirates are ordinarily too kmdly 
entrained." Probably these diplomatic words « P ™> 
an exactly just view of the situation. Plunder ontheh£ 
seas then ran along with irregular commerce. Govemois 
in America and in the West M- ™^f ^ 
sometimes were interested and implicated. The people 
wanted to buy the prize cargoes "-cheap m the sudden 
abundance-the sailors wanted the prize money. So an 
•regular traffic throve; and whatever the moral principle 
involved, it enriched the colonial ports, especially a New- 
port and New York. No port was exempt. If caught 
on the wrong tack an enterprising rover might be con 
demned as a pirate. Or if lucky, he m,gh t hve out hi 
days in the character of a « rich privateer hke Thomas 
Cromwell of Boston. 15 , .. 

Bdlomont inspected and reported," severely condemn- 
ing the administration of Rhode Island, and the whole 
character as well as conduct of the people. The ass,rt- 
ants are generally Quakers, illiterate and of hit e or no 
capacity." Bellomont, if able, was a courtly official, and 
sojourned with the small aristocratic element, chiefly rcpre- 

„Cf. Weeden, «B. and S. N. E,» Vol. I., p. 342, for an 
example of a pirate's cargo. 

^f M BH g hl, C pp V ° 1 ^ "' "*»«■• Pr ° CMdingS - 



184 Period Under Charter of Charles II. 

sented by Brinley. The virtues of a democracy would 
appear to Lord Bellomont not much better than its de- 
fects and vices. Mr. Brigham holds that our government 
though censurable for irregularity and laxitude was never 
absolutely at fault. " Actual complicity between the col- 
ony as a government, and the pirates, as so often 
charged, was never shown by any letter or report sub- 
mitted to the English authorities." 17 

The next distress our vexed colony suffered from a 
royal governor, befell at the instance of Joseph Dudley, of 
Massachusetts. This Puritan with the royal power at 
his back, naturally was not a friend of Rhode Island, nor 
an easy ruler. His report ran that " the government of 
Rhode Island is a scandal to her Majesty's Government." 
The Board of Trade did not consider the colony's direct 
denial of many of Dudley's charges, but sought from the 
attorney-general his assistance to obtain revocation of our 
charter. That official held that the matters proven did 
not warrant a forfeiture of the charter. The bureau offi- 
cials of the Board of Trade were firmly convinced of " the 
advantages that may arise by reducing the chartered 
government " in the colonies. They strengthened their 
movement in 1706 by a bill for " regulation." By good 
fortune the measure was lost between the two Houses. 

We bring out these details in that they are essential 
parts of our history. The charter was obtained through 
the fact that both the English Commonwealth and the 
sagacious Charles II. comprehended the large personality 
of Roger Williams and of John Clarke. When the irreg- 
ular and inconstant government of the colony two gener- 
ations later was misrepresented by virulent parties and 
tenacious officials in London, there was still welfare and 
prosperity enough realized in our little territory to con- 
» Cf. Brigham, p. 160. 



1707] National Responsibility Recognized 185 

vince the more sensible statesmen of England that the 
colonial government should be let alone. The pressure 
against the charter helped to enlarge the spirit of our 
colony and force her out of narrow provincialism. 
Though she as well as Connecticut was not exposed like 
Massachusetts and New York to French and Indian at- 
tack, she began to recognize a national responsibility. 
In 1707 and 1710 she acted efficiently, sending ships and 
soldiers for the expedition against Canada at heavy ex- 
pense. 

In 1712 Dudley reported about 2500 fighting men in 
the colony. 

The English law of primogeniture was repealed in 
171 8. 1S It was readjusted ten years later. The sub- 
stantially equal distribution of estates has continued to 
the present day. The change of the eldest son's position 
most affected the ways of the Narragansett country. 
Probably the social changes there occurring late in the 
century were magnified and accelerated by the equal sys- 
tem of inheritance. 

The first official census taken in 1708 showed a popula- 
tion of 7781. Newport had 2203, Providence 1446, 
Kingston 1200, and six other towns 200 to 600 each. The 
planters around Narragansett Bay were becoming more 
and more amphibious with every generation. Governor 
Cranston set forth the inclination of the youth of Rhode 
" Island have to the sea." Families increased, while the 
land did not, and the boys went into a larger world both 
physical and mental. As we have noted in Providence 
there was great activity in business of all kinds at the 
turn of the century. The General Assembly encouraged 
several kinds of manufacture, as hemp, duck, nails, cord- 
age, etc. Production on shore fostered commerce at sea. 
is Arnold II., 61. 



186 Period Under Charter of Charles II. 

Commerce increased largely after the peace of Utrecht. 
Our vessels traded with both British and Dutch West 
Indies, Bermuda, the Bahamas and Surinam, with Madeira 
and the Azores and especially with our middle and south- 
ern colonies. They carried out rum, lumber, staves and 
hoops, horses and provisions ; they brought back salt, 
rice, sugar, molasses, wines, cotton, English woollen and 
linen goods. Flour and often Indian corn came freely 
from our own colonies. 

Here was not only trade and commerce, there was the 
development of a people. The vessels were small — sixty 
tons or less — and they required wary and skillful naviga- 
tion in seas always liable to tempestuous weather. War 
and piracy brought especial risks. Bold and ready sea- 
men with adventurous traders flourished in this hardy and 
stimulating life. 

This lively commerce was carried on by paper money. 
" Banks " or bills of credit were continually being issued 
by the General Assembly, which in the most reckless way' 
took little care for their redemption. Depreciation nat- 
urally followed and was almost constant. Yet the cur- 
rency in some way went, and business went with it. Gov- 
ernor Richard Ward held the same opinion with the pres- 
ent writer, that an active community must have a working 
currency ; if it be not good, then it will have a poor one. 
The governor said in 1740, " we never should have enjoyed 
this advantage had not the government emitted bills of 
credit to supply the merchants with a medium of exchange. 
In short, if this colony be in any respect happy and 
flourishing, it is paper money and a right application 
of it that hath rendered us so." 19 The historical ques- 
tion is not, how it might have been better, with better 
legislation, but to narrate what was done, 
is " Rider Hist. Tract," Vol. VIII., p. 158. 



1707] African Slave Trade 187 

The most important — indeed the controlling — factor 
in Newport commerce £ . fully half a century was the 
African slave trade} " The mother country led the way 
in this unsavory traffic and the colonies followed. New- 
port was the leading port for New England, though 
most ports were somewhat interested. In 1708 the Brit- 
ish Board of Trade addressed a circular to all the colonies 
relative to trade in negro slaves. To stop such iniquity 
says the twentieth century inquirer — far from it ! " It 
being absolutely necessary that a trade so beneficial to 
the kingdom should be carried on to the greatest advan- 
tage." Governor Cranston replied that from 1698 to 
December 25, 1707, no negroes were imported into Rhode 
Island from Africa. This must have been a technical 
statement. The privileges of the Royal African Com- 
pany underlaid these investigations. In 1696 the report 
said the brigantine Seaflower, Windsor, master, brought 
from Africa 47 negroes, sold 14s in our colony at £30. to 
£35. each; the rest he carried by land " to Boston, where 
his owners lived." In 1700 one ship and two sloops sailed 
directly from Newport to the African Coast ; Edwin Car- 
ter commanded the ship and partly owned in the three 
vessels. With him sailed one Bruster and John Bates, 
merchants of Barbados, and " separate traders from 
thence to the coast of Africa." All these vessels carried 
cargoes to Barbados and sold them there. It is evident 
that our commerce was ramifying and that the capital 
of West Indies availed of the advantages of Newport. 
Governor Cranston carefully limited his statement. In 
February, 1707-8, the colony laid an impost of £3. on 
each negro imported. In April the tax was allowed in 
drawback if the negro was exported. The act was tin- 

20 Cf. Weeden, " E. and S. N. E.," Vol. II., pp. 449-472, for a 
full account. 



188 Period Under Charter of Charles II. 

kered in 1712, and again in 1715. The impost was of 
such consequence in 1729 that it was appropriated one- 
half toward paving the streets of Newport, one-half to- 
ward " the great bridges on the main." The tax was 
repealed in 1732. 

Judge Sewall in Massachusetts was about the first to 
speak out concerning the ethical bearing of slavery. The 
Quakers instituted the first practical opposition, which 
became quite effective a half-century later. Moses 
Brown 21 cites from the Yearly Meeting Record in 1717, 
" the subject of Slaves considered, and advise given that 
Letters be Written to the Islands & Elsewhere not to 
send any more slaves here to be sold by any Friend." 

The African trade from Newport and Boston was con- 
ducted in small craft, usually of 40 to 50 tons burden, 
never over 60. Small vessels were considered most profit- 
able, and were handled generally by a captain and mate 
with a crew of two or three men and a boy. When the 
voyage was by way of the Islands, a cooper was included, 
who made bungs, heads, etc., on the outward \oyage, to 
be set up with staves from Taunton or elsewhere, and 
bound by Narragansett hoops, into barrels and hogs- 
heads, when he came into port. White-oak staves went 
into rum casks and red-oak into sugar hogsheads. 

The West Indies afforded the great demand for negroes ; 
the climate rather than the morals of New England kept 
away the blacks. The Islands also furnished the raw 
material for the main merchandise, which the thirsty Gold 
Coast drank, when bartered for its poor banished chil- 
dren. Governor Hopkins stated that for more than 
thirty years prior to 1764, our colony sent to the Coast 
annually 18 vessels carrying 1800 hhds. of rum. It dis- 
placed French brandies on the Coast after 1723. The 
21MSS. R. I. Hist. Soc. 



1725] Distilling Rum 189 

commerce in rum and slaves afforded about £40,000 per 
annum for remittance from Rhode Island to Great Britain. 
Molasses and poor sugar distilled in Boston and Provi- 
dence, and more in Newport made the staple export. 

The most important change in the manufactures of the 
early eighteenth century was in the introduction of dis- 
tilleries for rum; Massachusetts and Connecticut partici- 
pated, but Rhode Island surpassed them in proportion. 
Newport was growing rapidly in wealth and commerce 
and had twenty-two still-houses. Massachusetts held the 
fisheries by preoccupation and advantage of natural situ- 
ation. Newport found outlet for its increasing energy 
in import of molasses, in manufacture of spirit, and the 
daring voyage for slaves. The consumption of beer or 
ale — the favorite drink of the seventeenth century — ap- 
parently diminished. Lumbermen and fisher-folk de- 
manded a strong stimulant to ameliorate their heavy diet 
of pork and Indian corn. The trade in negroes from 
Africa absorbed immense quantities of spirit. Rum from 
the West Indies had always been a large factor, impelling 
trade. Distilling in New England brought far-reaching 
consequences, social as well as economic. It was found 
that molasses and sugar could be transferred here and 
converted into alcoholic spirit more cheaply than it 
could be done in the lazy atmosphere of the tropics. 

The African demand was very importunate. Captain 
Isaac Freeman with a coasting sloop in 1752 wanted a 
cargo of rum and molasses within five weeks from New- 
port. His correspondent wrote that the quantity could 
not be had in three months. " There are so many ves- 
sels lading for Guinea, we cant get one hogshead of 
rum for the cash. We have been lately to New London 
and all along the seaport towns, in order to purchase the 
molasses but cant get one hogshead." Let us remember 



190 Period Under Charter of Charles II. 

how rare cash was in the operations of those days. In 
1740 Captain George Scott tried some dry goods with 
most pathetic experience ; they left him dry, and were 
hardly touched by the dry savage. He lost one-third 
of his 129 slaves, while waiting to trade off his goods. 
He sailed, carrying off a third of his stale cargo of goods, 
believing that if he had stayed to dispose of them, he 
would have lost all his slaves. " I have repented a hun- 
dred times ye bying of them dry goods. Had I laid 
out two thousand pound in rum, bread and flour, it would 
purchase more in value than all our dry goods." Cer- 
tainly the thirsty Guinea man had keen and sympathetic 
interpreters of his appetites. 

Bristol followed Newport closely in the latter half of 
the century. Captain Simeon Potter, the famous priva- 
teersman in the Spanish and French wars, appears as 
early as 1764* investing his profits drawn from the Span- 
ish Main in outfits for the Guinea coast. Forcible as he 
was on the Main, he was even more crafty in circumvent- 
ing the poor Africans. His instructions are most naive. 
" Make y r Cheaf Trade with the Blacks and Little or none 
with the white people if possible to be avoided. Worter 
y r Rum as much as possible and sell as much by the short 
measuer as you can." Again, " Order them in the Bots 
to worter thear Rum, as the proof will rise by the Rum 
Standing in y e Son." 22 

These were the doings of the rough privateersman ; but 
what shall we say of the pious and most respectable 
" elder " of Newport, who sent slavers with uniform suc- 
cess from Newport? On the Sunday after arrival, he al- 
ways returned thanks " that an overruling Providence 
had been pleased to bring to this land of freedom another 
cargo of benighted heathen to enjoy the blessing of a 
22Weeden, Vol. II., p. 465. 



1729] Newport Respectability 191 

Gospel dispensation." And Peter Faneuil, builder of the 
" Cradle of liberty " in Boston, had actual ventures on 
the Gold Coast, planned and sent direct by him. 23 Every- 
thing is not better than it was in the olden time, but we 
have improved some things. 

Governor Samuel Cranston died in 1727 after an admin- 
istration of thirty successive years, under his wise and effi- 
cient headship. That the turbulent colony of the seven- 
teenth century should move steadily in any one direction 
so long, is remarkable from any point of view. It is 
significant that the satisfactory ruler of a people holding 
so many beliefs was an " impartial and good man not 
assembling with any sect." Even Cotton Mather, Avho 
in the Magnalia expressed his horror concerning the " col- 
luvies " in Rhode Island, admitted in 1718, a condi- 
tion of efficient Christianity. Not only had toleration in 
worship established itself, but it was proving that an 
organized state, with its varied interests, could thrive 
politically and economically, under liberty of conscience 
for each individual citizen. 

In 1729 the colony was divided into three counties, 
with corresponding courts. Newport County comprised 
the Islands with New Shoreham ; Providence included the 
town, Warwick and East Greenwich ; King's North and 
South Kingston with Westerly, the shire centering at 
South Kingstown. In 1730 a census ordered by the 
Board of Trade showed a population largely increased to 
17,935, which included 1648 negroes and 985 Indians. 
Newport had 4640, closely followed by Providence with 
3916; North Kingstown 2105; Westerly 1926; South 
Kingstown 1523; East Greenwich 1223; Warwick 1178; 
Portsmouth 813; Jamestown 312; New Shoreham 290. 
The growth in Narragansett was remarkable. The 

23 Weeden, Vol. II., p. 468. 



192 Period Under Charter of Charles II. 

Indians were nearly all settled there, in the district now 
known as the town of Charlestown. Of the 1648 colored 
slaves Newport had 649 and the two Kingstowns 498. The 
colony owned about 5000 tons of shipping and employed 
400 sailors. 



CHAPTER VII 

THE COMMERCIAL GROWTH OF PROVIDENCE. 
1711-1762 

HISTORY is imbedded in chronology ; though dates 
are more significant of superficial events than of the 
deeper causes which produced those events. Even the 
death of a king or a change of dynasty is but a way- 
mark indicating the origin of changes in government. 
The course of events proceeds from subtle causes, making 
changes on the surface of affairs which we can only 
follow through dates. 

It is convenient to fix the passing of the plantation 
from agriculture to commerce at the coming of the ship- 
builder, Nathaniel Browne, in 1711, though the trade 
which should employ his prospective vessels had been long 
growing. Pardon Tillinghast was granted land Janu- 
ary 27, 1679-80, 1 opposite his dwelling place, twenty 
feet above high-water mark for a store and wharf. This 
was below the present Power Street and across the Towne 
Streete, being the virtual shore of the Great Salt River. 
The " town wharf " was subsequently established a little 
farther north. It is hard to believe that a ton of tobacco 
could be exported so early as 1652. But the record 2 in 
two places states that Wm. Almy shipped this quantity 
to Newfoundland. Placing the wharf was a momentous 
step, for it was to wake up the torpid, inert planters 
and send their produce down the Salt current into Nep- 
tune's domain. The voyagers halted at the West Indies, 
often went on to Gibraltar and ultimately rounded the 

i " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VIII., p. 62. 
2 Ibid., Vol. XV., p. 591 ; again at p. 55. 

193 



194 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

great southern capes, seeking the wealth of Ormus and 
of Ind. 

The bold, farseeing cooper, Tillinghast, was only mak- 
ing a way-mark, as has been described. For Njew Eng- 
land commerce 3 showed many signs of increasing activ- 
ity, profiting largely — and not losing, as is often stated 
■ — by the Navigation Acts of Charles II., which checked 
the Dutch. In Newport a naval office was opened in 
1682. Salisbury on the Merrimac became a port of en- 
try in 1684. Ipswich escaped the leading-strings of 
Salem and got its port in 1685. All around our Bay 
at Bristol and Wickford as well as at Newport, trans- 
port was seeking convenient carriage by water, and ven- 
turing out into the larger sea. 

The coming of Gideon Crawford, a trained Scotch 
merchant, in 1687, gave stability and due direction to the 
rising trade. The movement toward commerce was so 
zealous that Thomas Olney tried to check the granting 
of land for wharf lots about the end of the century. 
However, the internal life of the plantation had not been 
much affected by the outward commerce. For the water- 
power on the Moshassuck, granted in 1655, had not been 
all employed in 1705. Then a lot for a saw-mill was 
assigned to Richard Arnold. 4 

The population of the colony trebled itself in the first 
quarter of the eighteenth century. But the whole econ- 
omy of life in the plantation was stimulated and devel- 
oped by the ship-building instituted in 1711. A new in- 
dustry applying native material and employing a variety 
of workmen increased the wealth and stimulated the intelli- 
gence of a community in equal proportions. It was said 
that the " intolerance of Massachusetts " drove Nathaniel 

3 Weeden, " E. and S. New England," Vol. I., p. 264. 
* Dorr, " Planting and Growth," p. 50. 



1711] Browne Begins Shipbuilding 195 

Browne 5 from Rehoboth. January 28, 1711, the town 
granted him one-half an acre on " Waybosset Neck on 
salt water," so long as he shall use it for building vessels. 
He was an Anglican and the ground was afterward made 
the site of King's, now St. John's Church. He had suffi- 
cient means as well as skill, and built sloops and schooners 
up to sixty tons in size. These vessels carried horses as 
well as other farm-produce, with timber, staves and hoop 
poles to the West Indies. The common lands were now 
to afford exports as well as pasturage. It will be ob- 
served that the early planters lack the enterprising ele- 
ment bred in the fisheries of Massachusetts. 

Great interest attaches to pioneers in all new move- 
ments in civilization. When Gideon Crawford settled in 
the little farming hamlet of 1687 he married ffreelove 
Fenner, a daughter of Arthur Fenner, the strongest 
friend of Roger Williams and the granddaughter of 
Wm. Harris, his strongest opponent. Such stock gave 
heredity and fitly endowed the mother of a race of enter- 
prising merchants. Crawford died in 1709, having im- 
pressed his methods on the community for about a score 
of years. To such a wife a good merchant could be lit- 
erally a good husband. Accordingly, he left his whole 
property to her for life — after her death to be divided in 
halves between the sons William and John. She survived 
her husband five years, carrying forward the business in 
all its details; and the results justified his prudent con- 
fidence. The mother was to elect which son should live 
with her. If William be chosen, at twenty-one years he 
was to pay John £100. His daughters Anne and Mary 
were to receive each £50. whenever married. The whole 
" moveable " estate (household goods) was given to his 
wife. 

e Dorr, " Planting and Growth," p. 58. 



196 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

The persona] estate, November 5, 1707, 6 was £1556.12., 
not including book debts, of which £775.10. was in " bills 
and bonds," £16.9.10. in silver, in shop goods £355.9. 
Two negroes were valued at £56. Sheep were £13.10.; 
2 horses £18. ; hogs £3.4. In furniture, the feather bed 
always was the first choice of rich or poor and 5 good 
examples with equipment stood at £60.15. Tablecloths 
and napkins £2. Chairs £4. Pewter and brass £10.17. 
Books could only muster £2.12., showing that the new 
merchants and the granddaughter did not read as much as 
William Harris did, two generations earlier. Plate was 
valued at £15.11., not equal to the £17. belonging to the 
wealthy farmer, Stephen Arnold, in 1699. 

But the wearing apparel showed the greatest change, 
as it proceeded in the habit of living. For the time in 
1699, £12. was a large outfit for a rich farmer like Ste- 
phen Arnold. Eight years later the record shows £20.17. 
for the merchant as he walked " on change," and his 
ways were far from extravagant. In swords, pistols and 
small arms, he had £10.18. 

June 17, 171 2, 7 ffreelove Crawford, the widow's inven- 
tory is set forth. We cannot compare the two estates 
precisely, but from other sources learn that her manage- 
ment had been very energetic and successful; increasing 
the property. The personal estate was £947.1., of which 
£188.4.6. was in shop goods, £642.12. in " bills, bonds and 
mortgage deeds," £26.15.6. in paper and silver, £12.17.6. 
in gold. Clearly, the mercantile business was conducted 
largely on credit, as considerable evidences of debt ap- 
pear in nearly all estates of any size. 

There is a moderate increase in the plate, £21.5.6. over 

e " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VII., p. 271, 
7 Ibid., Vol. VII., 117. 



1712] How the Merchants Lived 197 

the amount left by her husband. It consisted of a silver 
" Tankard," salt seller, 2 porringers and 7 spoons. £34. 
in three feather beds and outfit ; two having been given 
to John and Mary, the daughter ; 5 pewter and 1 basin, 1 
" alequart " £2.5.; 5 platters, 5 basons, 10 porringers, 11 
plates, 1 alepint, 2 plate rings, 1 alequart and small pew- 
ter, altogether £3.19. Evidently the merchants, as well as 
the farmers, ate from pewter. The utensils at £11.13. 
were chiefly in brass and copper, with a few in iron. In 
wooden ware and 6 spoons £6.8.2. For her business and 
her pleasure, the feminine merchant had five of the " horse 
kind " at £24.16. Other animals have disappeared. 

She gave to her son, Wm. Crawford, her part in the 
sloop Dolphin. To Wm. and John Crawford 4 /s part of 
the sloop " now building " by Nathaniel Browne to be fin- 
ished and rigged by the estate. To Wm. and John £137. 
each in merchantable shop goods or current money of 
New England. To her daughter, Ann Carr, £100. in 
money or goods, and the same to Mary. In wearing 
apparel the wealthy widow left £47.7. If her widow's 
weeds were duly maintained it was done in the spirit of 
the Quakers, with enforced humility. Like the modest 
Friends, her costume, if not brilliant, was rich and royal. 

At the same date Nathaniel, one of the solid family of 
Watermans, left £1019.3. 7. 8 in personal estate and a 
moderate outfit. His wearing apparel was £12., befitting 
a proprietor who lived quietly. 

A steady-going farmer, Obadiah Browne, rich in lands 
with £377.0.1. in personal estate September 12, 1716, 9 
had felt the social changes sufficiently to expend £17.5. in 
dress. Adding a pair of shoe buckles lis. and eleven 

s " Earlv Rec. Prov.," Vol. VII., p. 102. 

9 Ibid., Vol. VI., p. 187; again Vol. XVI., p. 6. 8 



198 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

" black doggs " 10 6s. we have about as good a wardrobe 
as the first merchant Crawford allowed himself. For his 
wife's apparel, including 2 table cloths, napkins and a 
child's " stifen coate," only £15. was estimated. Observe 
the contrast with the widow Crawford and the social posi- 
tion of the two dames must have been about the same in 
the plantation. Two years earlier Benjamin Greene, Jr., 
a bachelor apparently and something of a " swell," 
arrayed himself at a cost of £18., though his personal 
estate was only £88.17.4. He improved his mind by read- 
ing two bibles, a testament and Hodder's arithmetic, cost- 
ing 15s. 

Browne's library contained only 1 bible and other 
books at lis. 6d. He had a good stock in cattle, £98.5., 
the cows appraised at £3.10. each, 2 mares £19., 30 loads 
English hay £30., 16 loads meadow hay £10., 2 linen 
wheels and 1 old woollen 8s., 1 pair worsted combs 2s. 
Hemp on stalk 18s., 6 lbs. dressed hemp 5s., 17 lbs. 
dressed flax 14s. 2d. Flax in Sheaf £1. " Hatchel sum 
tow geame and feld hemp 9s. 6d." There was a moderate 
supply of pewter £3.17-10., including the durable chamber- 
pot at 4s. Brass kettles £4. A table with the inevitable 
" Joynt Stoole " 12s. and 7 chairs at 10s. But now 
appears a Looking Glass and hour glass at 4s. Quite 
often scales for weighing money are found in the inven- 
tories ; in this case they were appraised at 6s. 

Another vocation is represented by Captain John Dex- 
ter, Mariner, August 3, 1716, 11 in a personal estate of 
£297.11., with 1599 gallons molasses at Is. 8d., £133.5., 
sugar £17.1. and a negro woman and boy appraised at 

io These canine names appearing now and then trouble a social 
investigator until he perceives that they describe an article of 
dress. 

ii " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. V I, p. 180. 



1716] Wigs Are Worn 199 

£60. His wearing apparel was £10.12. and probably he 
went where other fashions prevailed, for two wigs, a rare 
article, appear at £1. A pair of shoe buckles lis. 8. 
and two gold rings at £1.0.3. completed the sailor's adorn- 
ment. His ten books were estimated at £1.12. and the 
" English Pilatt " at £1.8. 

Occasionally a woman's -4- is found in the records of 
this period. The culture of English descended ladies in 
the West Indies hardly exceeded that of Rhode Island. 
In 1719, 12 Agnee King, wife of Thomas, a planter in 
Barbados, conveys the estate of Joshua Verin in Provi- 
dence, signing with a -f-. 

As Pardon Tillinghast closes the regime of the seven- 
teenth century, we may note his inventory, February 15, 
1717-18, 13 for our interest in one so much identified with 
the plantation, rather than for its particular details. 
The persona] estate was £542.4.3. and his sober apparel 
only £10.19. Beds and bedding £32,7. Table cloths, 
napkins and towels £2.10. A bell metal mortar 8s. 
Glass bottles and a glass cup 5s. Bottles are valued in 
nearly all the households, but seldom a cup of that mate- 
rial, which was to become so useful. " Hatt Paper " and 
Pillion 12s. In books and 1 silver spoon £1. The cooper- 
preacher took his " learning " direct from the Scriptures 
and rendered it into wisdom, through discreet intercourse 
with busy men. Silver plate was coming in slowly. The 
well-to-do Thomas Fenner had only £1.5. 

Negroes appear in many estates, in moderate as well 
as large fortunes. The women are valued from £10. to 
£40. ; doubtless their use in house service increased the 
prices. Men are valued generally at £40., in one instance 
£47. 

12 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. IX., 29. 
is Ibid., Vol. XVI., p. 26. 



200 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

The lowest wardrobe recorded was 8s. in an estate of 
£11.9.7. Samuel Wright, a spinner certainly, a wood- 
chopper probably, spent in clothing £4.10. out of his 
£13.12.6. 

Flax appears in many of the farmers' stores, and table 
linen was spun and woven at home, or in the " shops," we 
have noted it found a loom. Mary Borden had wearing 
apparel at £18.10.6. Beds, etc., £41.7. £5.10. in 7 
small table cloths, 14 napkins and 11 towels. Mary 
Inman spent £21.2. for her wardrobe out of a property of 
£128.8.1. Books and Looking glass 14s. 

The Crawford sons did not long survive father and 
mother. Captain John died in 1718-19, leaving in per- 
sonal estate £1614.2.11., in lands £1665. 14 In wearing ap- 
parel £41.2.9. he far surpassed his father's outfit ; 2 canes, 
sword, belt and a pair of pistols added £6.3.6. to the 
captain's attire. The books were few. More substantial 
furniture was coming in. Chest, Drawers and 19 Chairs 
£9.14. Again, Chest, Drawers and Looking Glass £8.10. 
" One ovell table and Iron bach, 2 Jappame tables £14." 
" Campine " Bedstead and furniture £12. Table linen 
£3.5. Desk, Pewter, Glass bottles, spoons and pepper 
box £22. Pewter, " suger," knives and forks, " salt 
seller " £9.15. Earthen and glass ware £1.13. Iron 
ware £9.15. Kitchen ware, earthen and wooden £1.10. 
Bottles, wine glasses and brandy £4.2. This is the first 
mention of a wine-glass. Previously drinking vessels of 
glass were called " cups." The inevitable " joynt stoole " 
was not absent. Silver spoons, porringers, cups, pepper 
boxes and grater £30.10. The porringer, a very con- 
venient dish, was appearing now in silver. It was used 
constantly for a century, and many Rhode Island families 
have these heirlooms. 

14 " Early Rec," Vol. XVI., pp. 507, 517. 



1720] Another Crawford 201 

In tobacco the merchant had £24., a pocket book silver 
clasp and pencil 10s. One new sloop on the stocks, nearly 
finished, was valued at £82., 2 boats " as are " £10. Sloop 
Indian and appurtenances " as is " £210. 

August 31, 1720, 15 we find the inventory of Major Wil- 
liam Crawford. The estate £3551.19.6. was all personal 
and larger than his younger brother's. As the Captain 
doubled the wardrobe of his plain Scottish father, so the 
Major surpassed the Captain more than twofold. The 
militia-officer walked brave, having apparel to the value 
of £83.15. In plate he was moderate, with 22 oz. in spoons 
and porringers, 29 oz. 7 dwt. 12 g. in a tankard; the 
whole at 12s. per oz., £17.12,6. There was 1 oz. 3 dwt. 
18 g. in gold — probably plate — at £8. or £9.10. Two 
plates and 7 porringers were probably in pewter, with 
12 " picturs " valued at £1.6. Again 12 " picturs " 
£2,9. 2 great glasses £10. One great glass £10. A 
limited supply of books valued with other articles at £13. 
Perhaps they were merchandise, for they come between 
dry goods and 3 hhds. tobacco at £7.10. For the first 
time a valuable " clock and case " appears, appraised with 
20 chairs at £27. 5 Chairs separately 18s. 3 negroes, a 
woman, man and boy, at £120. ; an Indian girl's time £6. 
Sloop Sarah, boat and appurtenances £400. " All the 
lumber of all sorts and masts " £136.8. 

The household goods of the planters were almost always 
bequeathed to the widow for life, and to the daughters, 
after their mother. The daughters received land but 
seldom, and masculine heirs had a preference generally. 
We may note some prevailing prices. One-quarter part 
of the sloop Dolphin's " cargo and her disbursements " 
was valued at £60.17.10. A loom and tackling at £2.15. 
A spinning wheel and 4 pair of cards 14s. A warming 

is " Early Rec," Vol. XVI., p. 148. 



202 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

pan 16s., a luxury fast becoming necessary. Tin ware 
appears occasionally. In an estate of £495.4.5. personal, 
we find an outlay of £21. for silver plate. Stephen Ar- 
nold, a wealthy landholder with £608.1. personal property, 
more consistently invested £4.11. in plate — one silver 
cup — and £20. in books. Thomas Olney was conspicu- 
ous in the number of his volumes, though we do not know 
the quality ; there were 55 bound and 23 small and not 
bound at £14. Solid Resolved Waterman, in this gener- 
ation an " Ensign," had " a considerable estate," the 
personal being £445.16.1. His library consisted of a 
Great bible, little bible and several small books at £5.15.6. 
with a bible and testament " by first wife " at 12s. 

We slfould study the inventory of Captain John 
Jen ekes, June 30, 1721, 16 for it throws light on many 
customs of the period. Not all the men of affairs could 
be landholders or merchants, and the Captain managed a 
small shop. All the physicians were apothecaries then, 
and made up their own prescriptions. Jenckes kept drugs 
and the miscellaneous articles pertaining to that trade. 
Roger Williams prescribed minor remedies for his friends 
and was obliged to send his own daughter to Boston for 
medical treatment. There must have been practitioners 
of some ability in the plantation. Frequently in wills of 
the seventeenth century, provision was made for an aged 
person ; if needing a " phisitian," then the expenses were 
to be borne by the estate. The first physician of record 
found by Mr. Dorr, 17 was in 1720, when the town voted 
to Dr. John Jones £1.10. for the cure of Richard Collins. 
Prudently, the municipality was to pay the money when 
" he is well." Soon after this Dr. Jabez Bowen moved 
from Rehoboth, where better comfort had prevailed in the 

io " Early Rec.'" Vol. XV., p. 180. 
it " Planting and Growth," p. 121. 



1720] The First Physician 203 

agricultural period. His removal to Providence marks 
social improvement. He was a skilled physician and an 
example of those able professional men devoted to 
public affairs, and who served the colonial communities in 
all capacities. 

Captain Jenckes' estate in personal was £544.3.10. and 
there was no farming outfit such as generally belonged to 
villagers a generation earlier. His apparel at £11.16. 
was reinforced by a broadcloth suit at £8. and a pair of 
silver buckles at 12s. A suit of " Duroy, a hat and a 
grate Coate " at £12. may have been his own clothing or 
merchandise. A clock at £5. interests us. Phisick books 
18s. Bible £1.1. 4 books £1.2. One pair candlesticks 
15s., two pair do. 13s. One pair brass snuffers at 5s., the 
first recorded. One copper coffee pot £1. One tea pot 
9s. A knife and fork at 15s. Table knives were used 
here in the seventeenth century, but forks were not to be 
had in Boston until after 1700. 18 

Such were the personal belongings, while in merchandise 
there was £60. in " apoticary drigs," £5 in " Cheriorgiry 
instruments," £1.15. in books, £2. in 14 " Roles salve 
gallepots and drigs." In fanciful articles 15s. in 2 doz. 
necklasses, 12s. in six do. and 15s. in silver lace. Chief 
of all the goods for sale was the first recorded toothbrush, 
there being one dozen with 600 needles, valued at £1.10. 
The Captain and his friends could have hardly foreseen 
the civilizing mission 19 of these bits of bone for the com- 
ing two centuries. If dress makes a habit and nine 
tailors make a man, the incoming of this little utensil is 
important. The personal mark of an individual is pretty 
well defined by this symbol of cleanliness. 

is Weeden, " E. and S. N. E.," Vol. I., p. 415. 
is Booker Washington says the first practical step in lifting the 
negro, is to teach him the use of a tooth-brush. 



204 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

Perhaps the clearest evidence of change and enlarge- 
ment in the community of our plantation is in the new 
religious movements instituted about this time. The Bap- 
tists had tended toward narrowing their basis of fellow- 
ship. According to Governor Jenckes, there had been 
fellowship in the original church with those believing in 
" the laying on of hands." These separated under 
Thomas Olney (probably the Junior). After his death 
there was probably 20 only one church under Elder Pardon 
Tillinghast. He built the first meeting house on the 
north side of Smith Street at his own expense about the 
year 1700. In 1711 he conveyed the house and lot to the 
church or society. He described the church as " Six 
Principle Baptists." 

Our century vainly tries to comprehend the dismay and 
detestation possessing all established order in New Eng- 
land, when outcast Rhode Island was considered. Cotton 
Mather was not a fool or mere vilifier. A grave and 
learned scholar, he was only setting forth the ideas of his 
time. In 1695 he found 21 a " colluvies of Antinomians, 
Familists, Anabaptists, Anti-Sabbatarians, Arminians, 
Socinians, Quakers, Ranters, everything in the world but 
Roman Catholics and real Christians." 22 Somewhat later 
in 1718, he had come to recognize that Calvinists with 
Episcopalians, Pedobaptists, with Anabaptists, " behold- 
ing one another to fear God and work righteousness," 

20 Staples, pp. 411, 414. 

si " Magnalia," Book VII., p. 20. 

22 The worthy expounder is neatly satirical in excepting Catholics, 
whom he hated as much as any of the outcast dissenters. A clause 
in the Digest of 1719 — mooted earlier — did debar Catholics from po- 
litical rights. Doubtless it was prompted by severe legislation in 
England ("Rider Hist. Tract," 2d Series I.). The colonists were 
trying to save their charters. No one suffered by the R. I. Act 
and it was afterward repealed; but it is a technical blot on the 
colonial record. 



1721] Religion Widens Out 205 

could delight to sit at " the same table of the Lord." 
Even in 17'38 the genial Baptist Callender referred to the 
" terrible fears " of the previous century, which were at 
last dismissed, that " barbarity would break in " where 
church and state were positively separated. 

The rigorous ice was broken in 1721 when Thacher, 
Danforth and Belcher, a distinguished committee of the 
" Presbyterian Ministry " in Massachusetts, addressed a 
civil and respectful note to " fifteen leading citizens " and 
others, " proposing a new meeting for their own faith." 
Their clergy as well as those of Connecticut had preached 
there and prompted by " the freedom and safety they 
have enjoyed under the wise and good government of the 
place ... we hope and pray that ancient matters, 
that had acrimony in them, may be buried in oblivion ; 
and that grace, and peace, and holiness, and glory, may 
dwell in every part of New England." 23 All happily 
conceived and expressed. The wide-eyed, perspicacious 
eighteenth century had penetrated Massachusetts. 

Whatever the Baptists and Quakers of Rhode Island 
learned of Puritan Massachusetts — and they learned much 
— it did not include tolerance or Christian peace and holi- 
ness. Whether the men responsible for government in 
Providence thought a theocratic quid pro quo should re- 
ward inter-colonial courtesy in theology, or whether mere 
pride of controversy prevailed, we do not know. After 
waiting four months, February 23, 1722, Rev. Jonathan 
Spreague, 24 for the inhabitants, answered at great 

23 Staples, " Annals," p. 433. 

2* Came to Providence in 1675 (Goodwin's, Updike, Vol. I., p. 
356). In 1687 he was fined for refusing the oath as a juryman. 
He was a fair example of the men qualified all around for pub- 
lic duty. He served as a deputy, a justice of the peace, a speaker 
of the House of Deputies, and as Clerk of the Assembly. He 
also preached as an exhorter, but was not ordained. 



206 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

length, 25 with arguments direct if not gracious. " We 
take notice, how you praise the love and peace that dis- 
senters of all ranks entertain one another with, in this 
government. . . . We answer this happiness princi- 
pally consists in our not allowing societies to have any 
superiority one over another, but each society supports 
their own ministry of their own free will, and not by con- 
straint or force upon any man's person or estate. 
At this very present you are rending towns in pieces, ruin- 
ing the people with innumerable charges, which make them 
decline your ministry, and fly for refuge, some to the 
Church of England, and others to dissenters of all de- 
nominations, and you, like wolves, pursue. . . . Since 
you admire the love and peace we do enjoy, we pray you 
to use the same methods and write after our copy. 
And so hoping, as you tender the everlasting welfare of 
your souls and the good of your people, you will embrace 
our advice. We your friends of the town of Providence 
bid you farewell." 

We cite freely, not merely for the points of delicious 
sarcasm, but from a deeper motive. There was some- 
thing more than mere ecclesiastical sharp-shooting here. 
The American idea, rooted in soul-liberty, was beginning 
to sprout and overspread the harsh theocracy of Massa- 
chusetts. Jonathan Mayhew, born in 1720, in the mid- 
century from the West Church pulpit in Boston, supported 
Otis and put forth the new ideas of freedom — strange in 
a community based on authority and organized by the 
close embrace of church and state. Whether he learned 
from Spreague and those like him, we know not ; but he 
might have learned. And the marvel is that these homely 
Protestants — spawned by Roger Williams — could and did 
work out such great ideas, with so little of the world's 

25 Staples, " Annals," pp. 434-438. 



1721] Time Religious Liberty at Last 207 

learning to aid them. As Wm. Harris, a half-century 
earlier, became a statesman, through the vigorous educa- 
tion of affairs ; so Spreague put soul-liberty into the 
common formulas of freedom, by life and contact with 
individuals freed from outworn trammels, who were con- 
serving the true principles of order. 

Diplomatic controversy with Massachusetts produced 
little direct effect. An abortive attempt was made in 
1721 when a meeting house was begun. This movement 
was abandoned from local differences. In 172'3, 26 the 
First Congregational Society erected a house for worship 
at the corner of College and Benefit Streets ; occupying it 
until 1794, when it was sold to become the " Old Town 
House." 

As the Quakers formed a constituent element in the 
seventeenth century and much influenced the whole com- 
munity of Rhode Island, so in the early eighteenth 
century, the Congregationalists and the Episcopalians 
became an important factor in developing the outcast 
colony, now coming to its true place in civilization. 

There had been missionary meetings for the Episco- 
palians at Providence conducted by Mr. Honeyman, of 
Newport, and Dr. MacSparran, of Narragansett. The 
former said there was no house and he was obliged to 
" preach in the open fields." Dr. Humphries, an Episco- 
pal historian, gave a most pessimistic account of the 
social condition of the plantation. 27 " The people were 
negligent of all religion, till about the year 1722 ; the 
very best were such as called themselves Baptists or 
Quakers, but it was feared many were Gertoneans or 
Deists." The people raised £250., obtained £200. more 
in Newport, £100. in Boston, borrowed £200. more, and 

26 Staples, p. 438. 

27 Ibid., p. 443. 



208 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

in 1722 built King's, now St. John's, Church. It was 
placed on the lot given by Nathaniel Browne^ an active 
co-operator, who had had his shipyard there. 

The most efficient helper was Gabriel Bernon, a char- 
acter who deserves more than passing notice. The 
Huguenots contributed forcibly to the race amalgam 
which was forming the larger citizen of Rhode Island. 
Bemon was a Protestant merchant of an " ancient and 
honourable family of Rochelle," who emigrated to escape 
the Edict of Nantes. He was in Narragansett, sojourned 
at New Oxford, Mass., and at Newport, settling in Provi- 
dence in 1721. Active in founding the churches at New- 
port and in Narragansett, he was probably as good a 
churchman as Dr. Humphries and a far better philoso- 
pher. Writing Mr. Honeyman and canvassing for the 
new movement in Providence, he said : " We have in our 
town, learned men. Let them be Popish Churchmen, 
Presbytery, Protestant Quakers or Gartonian — and if 
there be some Profanes that call them to hold no reli- 
gion at all — we have a great many worthy gentlemen that 
make their application to read the Holy Scriptures 
and are very well able to give an account of their 
faith." 28 

We may continue Mr. Bernon's account of the " learned 
men," as " Mr. Jenckes, our Lieutenant-Governor, by 
his answer to Wm. Wilkinson, the greatest preacher among 
the Quakers, and Mr. Samuel Wilkinson, the old man, (a 
Quaker had edgetools, worth 21s. taken in 1707 to pay 
a fine of 12s. for not training) deserves dignity for his 
erudition in divine and civil law, historical narrative, 
natural and politic ; and you may see by the letters of 
Mess. Jonathan Sprague, Richard Waterman, Harris and 
several gentlemen, by their answers to Mess. Danforth, 
28 Goodwin's, Updike, Vol. I., pp. 53, 54. 



1721] Bernon's " Learned Men " 209 

Thatcher and Belcher of the Presbyterian Ministry. We 
have also Mr. Winsor, Mr. James Brown, Mr. Hakin, of 
the Anabaptist Church, and great preachers ; and their 
auditors, Mr. Outram mathematician, Mess. Filliness, 
Power, good Harris, merchant — all sober men, that can 
learn and teach things by true demonstration." — Updike, 
Goodwin, I., 54. 

There are churchmen and churchmen. Compare this 
account of Bernon's with the ecclesiastical Humphries' 
idea that the people were " negligent of all religion until 
about the year 1722." Bernon was bred in wise old 
Europe, whence he fled to preserve his faith. He had 
sacrificed in every way to promote the church holding 
his own tenets, yet he found in these dwellers at Providence 
" sober men that can learn and teach things by true 
demonstration." Nothing could more clearly prove the 
growth of citizens of the world out of the narrow oppor- 
tunities of Providence Plantation, than this disinterested 
testimony of a Frenchman and an Episcopalian. Gideon 
Crawford, the Scotch merchant, worked on the cooper- 
preacher Tillinghast's wharf to open the little settlement 
on the Great Salt River to the world of commerce. The 
merchants traded in produce, while making men. In a 
score or two of years, the accomplished Huguenot could 
recognize " sober and learned men " in the representatives 
of this same narrow district. 

In the second decade, commerce was well established on 
the wharves of the Great Salt River. To the West Indies 
the exports were salted beef and pork, peas, butter, 
boards, staves and hoop poles, while horses were in fre- 
quent demand. Cider was made in large quantities for 
domestic use, as well as peach brandy, for in any good 
orchard " apple and peach trees fruited deep." 

Tobacco was generally grown by the farmers in the 



210 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

seventeenth century, and we have noted a somewhat 
mythical large shipment in 1652. But it was a very 
thrifty illicit trade, which avoided the heavy English 
revenue taxes. Nine New England vessels were selling 
tobacco at New Amsterdam in one week in 1669. 30 Some- 
times only a four-shillings' worth appeared, but the most 
of the farmers raised it, generally in quantities of 100 to 
400 lbs. E. Carpenter inventoried 313 lbs. in a small shop 
in 1697-8. 31 The Olneys were said to have 400 lbs. in 
barn at the same time. John Crawford, the merchant, 
had in stock £24. worth, about a ton. 

Sloops were employed in the foreign trade and sixty 
tons burden was the largest size. Ketches and snows were 
used in other parts of New England, but we find no trace 
of them in the upper Bay. 

There seems to have been a new impulse in the foreign 
trade in 1717 and 1718, for a new demand sprung up for 
warehouse lots and wharves. Probably this was one of 
the first results following the issues of paper money. A 
momentous step was taken in both political and economic 
affairs when the first paper was issued by the colony in 
1710. Paper currency, properly controlled, is a great 
blessing to civilization. But unlimited public credit car- 
ries evils far surpassing any possible good to be derived 
from it. It overstimulates industries and demoralizes 
the citizen. This departure was occasioned by the great 
effort made by the little colony to join in the expedition 
of 1710 against Port Royal. 32 It raised 200 men and 
the proportion of Providence was 40 with 8 Indians. 
There was no actual money to be had, and the paper 
substituted was issued in this and the following year for 

so Weeden, " E. and S. N. E.," Vol. II., p. 262. 
3i " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VII., p. 195. 
32 Staples, p. 188. 



1721] Outward Communication Increased 211 

£13,000 to £14,000 in " bills of public credit." In 1715 
the issue began again and continued until the state's 
credit was overwhelmed in 1786. 

Trade and commerce brought necessity for increase in 
outward communication with the town. No seine was to 
be set or drawn on the great river above Weybosset 
Bridge after 1716. A vote of 30s. for repairs to Wey- 
bosset Bridge, October 28, 1717, was a petty expedient 
until " some more Legal method be taken for repairing." 
The colony had appropriated out of its treasury for this 
and other bridges in 1711. 

The main travel in or across the colony came over the 
upper ferry at Red Bridge in Seekonk, and passed over 
the bridge at Weybosset. Captain Scott was allowed as 
late as 1716 to fence with gates across the " Country 
Roade (main highway) over Pawtucket River," for four 
years, provided " Pawtucket Bridge is passable so long." 33 
Fences with gates were allowed on Hernden's Lane and 
thence to Pawtucket, January 20, 1720-1. 

In providing new highways and caring for the poor, 
the town had run in debt. The tax had rarely exceeded 
£60., but £150.16.3. was assessed March 20, 1718, 34 and 
the apportionment by districts is interesting: 

The Towne's part £56. 0.11. 

The Northern woods 55. 4.10. 

The Southern woods 39.12. 3. 

In early times the valuation of the rich fields of Paw- 
tuxet, which included the " southern woods," was greater 
than that of Providence proper. This is the first rate in 

33 "Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XIII., pp. 4, ¥J. 
a* Ibid., p. 48. 



212 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

which the homestead and commercial part exceeded the 
agricultural division of the northern woods. 

A bounty of 20s. was paid in 1719,' 35 for a wolf's head 
which had been delivered to Major Thomas ffenner living 
in the present town of Cranston. The premium offered 
for gray squirrels was '3d. ; this was made equal for Rats 
(muskrats probably) and afterward reduced to 2d. ; 5s. 
raised to 10s. in 1729, was offered for a wild cat's skin ; 
£16. was once raised for bounties on squirrels. These 
struggles with Nature's last representatives entertain us 
now, but another side of the cogitations of the town 
council is more than diverting. When the Puritan-bred 
citizens who were not Puritans give themselves to strict 
reverential decorum, the legislative result is something 
grotesque. For example, January 27, 1723-4, the peti- 
tion of several leading citizens represented that the munic- 
ipal act for squirrel bounties had no restriction. There 
was an act of the General Assembly preventing " Sports " 
and pastimes on the first day of the week, and these citi- 
zens asked for restriction of squirrel shooting on that 
day, or the municipal act would be an " Encouragement 
to vice and Immorality." The leading citizens ask for 
the " Encouragement of Good Manners." When the 
pence ran up into pounds, the canny burghers asked them- 
selves whether the farmers' hunting of vermin was not 
turning into " Sport." Civic economy concurring with 
the ethical and respectable observance of the Sabbath is 
most delicious as well as suggestive. The bounty for 
squirrels was soon repealed. 

Public offices were seldom sought for in those days, 

and were held to be a burden, even when the service was 

paid for. Robert Curry was chosen Town " Sarjant," a 

responsible post, but he was not a freeman in 1718. 

35 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XIII., pp. 17, 20, 28, 30, 64. 



1725] Expenses of the Town 213 

Lieutenant James Olney engaged in town meeting to pay 
all damage to the sheriff or any person, incurred by 
Curry's not being a " freeman or of a Compitent Esstate." 
The detailed expenses of the growing town may inter- 
est, as they were audited May 29, 1725. 36 The expen- 
diture in transporting criminals to Newport for the 
colonial prison was very large, and was later replaced 
by the still greater expense of a prison at home. At this 
time there was paid: 

Sergeant Westgate for keeping and carrying 

one Corrill to Newport £10.13. 

Laying two highways, one " from Town to Bay 
Line," one from Pawtucket to Jeremiah 
Browne's 4. 

Repairing Weybosset Bridge, 1 year, £2.7.6., 

R. Curry, T. Sergeant, 1 year, £4 6. 7. 6. 

For Poor, Mary Marsh, M. Owen, " Marjary 

Indian," Mary Pettes child 14. 6. 4. 



£35. 6.10. 



Crime cost more than constabular service and roads, 
while poverty cost more than either. 

The burdensome care of the poor, as shown in the 
expenses of the town from time to time, sufficiently ex- 
plains their jealous watchfulness of citizenship and dread 
of intrusion into their community. 

In 1717 37 the Council was ordered to " vse all Lawfull 
Means " to compel the town of East Greenwich to assume 
the support of Mary Marsh. In 1721 the Council sum- 
moned before it " several forriners Lately come into this 

36 « Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XIII., pp. 14, 23. 
3T « Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XIII., p. 10. 



214 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

Towne in a disorderly manner without Leave and Likely 
to be chargeable if not Removed." In 1720 38 Black- 
stone's wife not being well, Joseph Woodward's wife took 
her home out of "Piety" (pity?). Captain Wilkinson told 
Woodward, if he entertained Blackstone and his wife, he 
ought to give bond for him ; which request was refused. 
Individual charity could not be crushed out practically, 
though Woodward was technically at fault, and munici- 
pal organization had to bear the consequences. 

Later, September 24, 1722, the Council recorded that 
John Blackstone's child, born here, then in Attleboro, was 
apprenticed there to R. Wickes " to be learned to Reade 
and the art of husbandry." Judging from other con- 
tracts binding infants, the town paid something to 
Wickes for bringing up the child. The poor waif and 
stray, once attached to the soil, had a better parent than 
Nature gave, for it became a constituent part of the com- 
munity. Some of the practical measures regulating citi- 
zenship seem petty to us. But the general sense of 
municipal responsibility was praiseworthy. 

The system of apprenticing young persons was work- 
ing constantly and apparently with the best social results. 
It was education in the family, through the steady business 
of life. In 1713-4 39 Susanna Warner (writing her 
name) was bound for six years by her father, John War- 
ner (also writing), to Thomas Olney (weaver), of Provi- 
dence, to learn the " Trade and occupation of a Tailor." 
She was not to frequent Ale Houses or Taverns except 
about her Master's or Mistress's business, " ffornication 
shee shall not Comitt, neither shall she Contract Matri- 
mony with any Person." These obligations were gener- 
ally laid on both sexes alike. The master was to endeavor 

ss "Early Ree. Prov.," Vol. XII., pp. 20, 39. 
so Ibid., Vol. IX., p. 5. 



1715] Wardrobe of an Apprentice 215 

to teach her to read, and finally to give her two suits of 
apparel. This dress was known as " the freedom suit," 
and was often given any minor on coming of age. In 
1715 40 Thomas Olney, " weavor," signed as a witness to 
the contract binding Wm. Potter for five years, his father 
having died. The master agreed to teach him to " Reade 
English, and wright and Cypher so far as to keepe a 
Booke." He was to be freed at twenty-one years, in the 
" same apparill as he is now in." The list of original 
clothing shows the habits and dress of laboring youths 
at that time. " A Loose bodyed Coate, a streight bodyed 
Coate and Jacket all Casy and faced with soloone; a 
wosted Coate and two wosted jackets all lined the Coate 
and one of the jackets lined with solloone a pair of druget 
Briches lined ; a washed Paire of Leathor Bridies a Caster 
hat, three shirts two homespun ones and one fine one, 
three pair of stokins one pair wosted, three neck Clothes 
two of them silk and a pair of washed Leathor Gloves : 
next his wareing apparill now worn but whole: a hatt 
Coate briches stokins and shoes. Memo that Clothing 
which was Casy (kersey) was homespun." We remark 
that homespun cotton or flax would do for common, and 
that " fine " cloth must be had for a dress shirt. For a 
youth of sixteen he was certainly well clothed, having 
clothing not only for work-a-days, but for occasions and 
social gatherings. 

The grain crop must have failed in 1724, for the Gen- 
eral Assembly forbade exportation of corn until the price 
should be 5s. per bushel. It directed the General Treas- 
urer to buy 2000 bushels and to sell it in small quanti- 
ties. 

The inventories show no great changes in a decade. 
The farmers grow rather more tobacco than the previous 
40 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. IX., p. 13. 



216 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

generation produced. Forks are increasing in domestic 
use. In 1723, 41 two spinsters, Joanna and Tabitha In- 
man, died within four days. One had £32.8.6., the other 
£37.5.6. in wearing apparel; side saddle pillions, loom, 
cards and combs, spinning wheels, etc. There was a 
moderate amount of plate in most estates. An Indian 
servant girl's time for two years and ten months was 
valued at £5.10. Edward Manton, 42 whose personal 
estate was £373.13.8., with a farmer's outfit on a small 
scale, had 100 books at £17.15., with two maps of the 
world at 10s. Cows were £4. each and two yokes of oxen 
£22. 

In 1723-4 John House 43 gives us £18.12. in dress, with 
an interesting detail of prices. Coate 40s., 2 pair briches 
28s., 2 pair leather do £1.10., Brown cloth coate, black 
gloves and dark jacket £4.4. Druggett coate, yellow 
trimming, 25s., yallowish jacket 10s. Loose coate 12s., 
two linen westcotts and two pair britches £1.10. Two 
hats at 12s., hdkf gloves etc. with an extravagant pair 
of garters at 17s., all amounted to £6. 9s. One gold ring 
40 grains, another 25 grains, Were not valued. Silver 
buckles and buttons 10s. 9d. A moderate amount of 
silver plate and the usual pewter. The " wareing clothes 
that ware his first wives and bonnet £3.11." Some " black 
lat " and 5 chamber potts at 12s. Earthen punch bowl, 
pitcher, 3 earthen cups, glass bottle 7s. Porcelain ware, 
as shown in the chamberpots, was coming in gradually. 
One barrel " peach juce " lis. Negro woman £22. 
Sorrel horse £18. Bed pan 18s. High house, land, sta- 
bles, 2 acres land on " Waybauset plaines " 5 /ig Right 
Common East of 7-mile line was valued at £255., and the 

4i " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XVI., p. 236. 

42 Ibid., p. 263. 

43 Ibid., p. 306. 



1724] The Dress of Innkeepers 217 

total estate was £524.12.3. Being an innkeeper and a 
considerable dandy, his way of living is interesting. 

Copper pennies appear frequently, sometimes more 
than 1000 at once. 

Prices of realty are rare and should be noted. October 
16, 1724, Thomas Williams' 44 homestead of 100 acres, 
housing, barn and improvements stood at £445. Adjoin- 
ing the homestead 44 acres at £88. Meadow on " Pachaset 
River," 10 acres at £35. Land on Common west of 7 mile 
line £70. One-third of 40 ft. lot in rear of house lots in 
" 2d devision " £3. One-thirteenth part of Starve goat 
Island 13s. Land sold and money received for second 
40 acre " devision " and pine swamp £5.6.8. One hun- 
dred acres formerly given son Joseph, except labor be- 
stowed on it. 

Razors are coming in ; and it is doubtful if any shaving 
of beards prevailed in the seventeenth century. Breeches 
were sometimes adorned with plate buttons. A set of 
plate buttons and buckle was valued at 6s. In land 40 
acres east of 7 mile line stood at £12. 45 " Amber beedes," 
Glass Bottle and Needles at 9s. 3d. Glass must have 
been prized, as every bottle was carefully valued. 

Signatures of women of good families with a + appear 
on documents, and more rarely the men sign in that way. 
November 6, 1724, 46 Jabez Browne's homestead, esti- 
mated at 80 acres, was appraised at £350. Land n. w. 
from homestead 78 acres at £110. Adjoining home- 
stead 30 acres at £25. Some curious prices appear the 
next year. Plowing and planting 10 acres Indian corn 
£5.9. Sowing 8 acres with rye and the seed £2,15. One 
acre with oats 6s. In an outfit of £15. for dress, a set of 

44 « Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XVI., p. 330. 

45 Ibid., p. 367. 
46j6tU, p. 375. 



218 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

silver shirt buttons stood at 5s., a pair of silver shoe 
buckles at 16s. 

In 1725, 47 Arthur Fenner had a full outfit for spinning 
and weaving, 4 spinning wheels and " Clock Reale " £1.8. 
A pair of looms, and furniture £3. One looking glass and 
2 pair " specticles " (first mentioned) 5s. 6d. The dames 
were wearing better toilets, and Abigail Hopkins spent 
£30. for dress in an estate of £98.5.8. Under beds are 
mentioned for the first time. A pair of " sizers " and a 
silver Chaine therewith £1. Butter was lOd. per lb. 

In 1725-6 4S a watch (of silver probably) appears at 
£4., but these did not displace sun-dials until about 
1750. 49 

Wm. Roberts' 50 homestead and house were appraised 
at £420. and one share of " Meadow " £30. 

Wm. Harris had a silver " Tancord," 2 silver cups, 10 
spoons, all weighing 46^ oz., valued at £34.17.6. His 
negro man stood at £70., the highest price attained, and 
probably inflated somewhat by paper money. 

Joseph Jenckes was elected from Providence to be Gov- 
ernor of the Colony in 1727. Previous governors under 
the charter had been taken from Newport. This election 
indicates the rise of commercial Providence. Newport 
still kept its supremacy as the capital, for the Assembly 
granted Governor Jenckes £100. to make his residence 
and remove his family there. 

In 1727 the long boundary dispute with Connecticut, 
which had threatened the very existence of our colony, 
was brought to a close by a decree of the Privy Council. 
This fixed the western boundary on the Pawcatuck River 

47 « Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XVI., p. 384. 

48 Ibid., p. 440. 

49 Dorr, p. 170. 

so "Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XVI., p. 456. 



1721] British Ideas of Geography 219 

and thence north to the Massachusetts line. 51 The Board 
of Trade had previously shown its sapient management of 
colonial affairs by recommending to the Council that 
both Connecticut and Rhode Island be attached to New 
Hampshire. The disjoined geography of the territories 
apparently never entered into the Board's ideas of con- 
venient government. Such wiping out of the two govern- 
ments — which are now admitted to have added the most 
practical national ideas to the United States — would have 
created a suggestive historical speculation. 

A King's census of the colony 52 was taken in 1730, 
showing a population of 16,935 ; Whites 15,302, Negroes 
1648, Indians 985. Providence had, Whites 3707, Ne- 
groes 128, Indians 81 ; total 3916. Newport had, Whites 
3843, Negroes 649, Indians 248; total 4640. The fig- 
ures do not agree in themselves, but the main fact is that 
Providence had nearly as large a white population as 
Newport ; yet the latter was far better developed in pros- 
perous industries. 

A prison was built in 1733 on Jail Lane, now Meeting 
Street. 53 

The taverns continued to be places of great resort, espe- 
cially before the building of the county courthouse in 
1729. Those of Whipple and Epenetus Olney were 
famous, and Wm. Turpin left his profession of school- 
teaching to become a popular landlord and town officer. 
Turpin's Inn on Town Street was the largest house in the 
town until the State House was built and was a favorite 
place of meeting for the Assembly and courts. Built 
in 1695, it survived until 1812. A high roof had heavy 
projecting eaves and dormer windows. A huge stone 

si " R. I. C. R.," Vol. IV., p. 373, and Brigham, pp. 171-174. 

52 Staples, p. 194. 

53 Ibid., p. 180. 



220 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

chimney allied it to the dwellings around. On the green 
in front was the unfailing elm. The " great room " 
served either for a senate house or dancing hall. Such 
centers of influence conferred social and political prestige 
on the landlords, who were not slow to avail of it. As the 
Assembly, Courts, Town and Council meetings always sat 
in central taverns, the landlord often became the oracle 
of his neighborhood. Sometimes chief of local militia 
and representative in the Assembly, he " enjoyed promi- 
nence which in Massachusetts belonged to the Puritan 
minister." 54 Although this way of living could not and 
did not suit the omniscient Cotton Mather, it had due 
effect in developing citizens of the world who were willing 
to accept a cheery existence here on earth. A curious 
incident in 1713 5o reveals the jealousy of country pro- 
prietors, toward these innkeepers and town agitators. 
Major " thomas fFenner," Assistant, protested against 
the election of Wm. Smith, Jas. Olney, Wm. Harris and 
Silvanus Scott, to be members or Assistants in the Town 
Council, because they kept Public houses of Entertainment 
and retailed strong drink. They rejoined that Major 
Fenner kept a public house and retailed strong drink for 
several years. And insisted " wee are freemen of the 
Towne and Collony and the Towne's owne Election, and 
ought not to be debarred of our Privilidges." Appar- 
ently the election did not fail. 

In 1720 the licenses were £2. each. Thomas Angel, 
John House, Josiah Westcot, James Olney, William Tur- 
pin, William Edmunds, all prominent citizens, were 
grantees. 

In 1732 56 a change of habit and way of living is indi- 

54 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XI., p. 170. 

55 Ibid., Vol. XII., p. 92. 
so Ibid., p. 181. 



1732] Change of Habits in Tippling 221 

cated in a grant of licenses at a less rate, 10s., for a 
limited privilege to merchants and shopkeepers, for one 
year. They could retail, but not allow " any Drinking or 
tipling in theire housen shopps or Kitchin. Nor Mix any 
sort of Liquor." Captain Joseph Roades, Esq 1- ., Mr s . 
Mary Burnoon, Mr. John Angel, Capt. James Brown 
(first spelled without an e), "Co" " Joseph Whipple each 
paid 10s. The scrupulous use of titles among these plain 
people, with every possible variation and significance is 
always suggestive. 

The houses inhabited by the denizens of the new cen- 
tury belong to the third period of architecture as inter- 
preted by Isham and Brown. 57 They were often of two 
full storeys and varied somewhat from those built in the 
latter seventeenth century. Frequently built of brick or 
partly so. In one direction after 1725 there was an 
elaborate "mitre-like" chimney. After 1730 the pre- 
revolutionary style called " colonial " was developed. 

The chimney was brought nearly into the middle of the 
house. And in large rooms like those of the Turpin Inn, 
above noted, massive beams sustained the ceilings. The 
rooms around the double chimney of this period varied 
in size. The "great room" descended from the single room 
of the first period as that came from the old English 
"hall." This room in the Tillinghast house on Town 
Street, built about 1730, has two windows. The stair- 
case was still next the chimney. Soon the rooms on 
either side of the chimney became equal. Next, there were 
four rooms with four chimneys outside the house. 

Distilling molasses and sugar into rum was perhaps the 
most important of the New England industries in the sec- 
ond quarter of the eighteenth century. It was not only the 
main element in the slave trade, but was powerfully sup- 
57 " Early Houses," pp. 15-18. 



222 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

ported by the local demand and by the consumption in 
the Newfoundland fisheries. Distilling had become well 
established in Providence, and still-houses were along the 
Town Street ; Antram's as far north as Smith Street, 
Abbott's was on the s. e. corner of Market Square; An- 
gell's was near the present Thomas Street. Shipping 
was built freely and the keels plowed the West Indian 
seas in frequent voyages. The trade of Providence with 
Guinea for slaves is obscurely recorded, but it had begun. 
The larger merchants traded with Bordeaux. Smuggling 
sugar from the islands was so common that it was hardly 
noticed. In 1733, by the sugar or " Molasses " act, the 
House of Commons laid a heavy duty on products im- 
ported from foreign islands into the northern colonies. 
This began the troubles ending in the American Revolu- 
tion. Smuggling mitigated the evil consequences, until 
George Grenville proved to be too good an administra- 
tor. 

Some ledger accounts, 1723-1738, and a priceless letter- 
book, 1736-7, of James Brown, father of the " four 
brothers " — preserved in the manuscripts of the R. I. His- 
torical Society — give us interesting details of the com- 
merce of this period. Nicholas Powers' accounts in 1723 
became " Father Powers' " in 1731-2. 

Distilling is an important function, and a curious joint 
ownership is shown where the mason is credited 10s. for 
" mending my firm's mouth under my Still." He offers 
100 gallons good rum, " our own Stilling," for a horse. 
The Dutch process for separating oil and spermaceti 
was not yet introduced, and candles were still occasionally 
made by hand. Brown credits in 1736, one lot of 494 
lbs. at 4d., made by Hartshorne, the mason, and probably 
in his kitchen. 

Providence was becoming a great mart for molasses. 



1737] , Slaves from Guinea 223 

When accumulated here, it often went on to Nantucket 
or Boston. One lot of 41 hhds. is mentioned in 1737 as 
transhipped to Boston. It belonged jointly to James 
Brown, Daniel Jenckes and Job Arnold. Coffee, as well as 
salt, was constantly moving and sometimes consigned to 
Boston. Large freights went by water, but small lots of 
merchandise were sent by Rehoboth to Boston. Noah 
Mason, living there, is asked in 1737 to carry " four tun 
wate " to Boston. 

As noted above, the reports of the importation of 
negroes are generally obscure. May 26, 1737, 09 Mr. 
Brown records, " My Gineman is arrived. You may have 
A slave, if you cum or sand Befoar they air Gon." March 
10, 1737. He had advised his Loveing Brother Obadiah 
in the West Indies on the sloop Mary of Providence, " if 
you cannot sell all your slaves to your mind, bring some 
home. I believe they will sell well. Get molasses or 
sugar. Make despatch for that is the life of trade." 

Brown had much intercourse with Uxbridge and Worces- 
ter, with Plainfield, Killingly and Pomfret. He is con- 
stantly calling for " fatt " cattle, pork, beef or any prod- 
uce. These transactions show that Providence must have 
been for some time the mercantile port of the valleys of 
the Blackstone and of eastern Connecticut. 

Business was conducted with the Atlantic ports as far 
away as Charleston, S. C, where the correspondent was 
Mr. Verplanck. When commerce with the West Indies 
was not available for the moment, vessels were occupied in 
the local trade of Boston. July 2, 1737, after the sloop 
Mary had disposed of her black freight, she was sent to 
the Bay of Andros for a load of logs to be carried to Bos- 
ton. Newport was a secondary market for almost every- 
thing. Henry Collins, the distinguished merchant there, 

69 R. I. H. S. bound MSS. State Reports, Vol. 8. 



224 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

had a rope walk. Brown asked him in 1736 how much 
good rigging or cash he can have for 1000 lbs. hemp. 

Politics were generally seething in our little colony. 
The Hopkins-Ward controversy a generation later was to 
engage the Brown family and keep them very busy. Now 
February 1, 1736, the representative writes to Richard 
Ward, the father of Samuel, in rather pungent style, 
" Your Chief friend in Government affairs. I am affraid 
he had rather be Governor himself. You may see by en- 
closed, that he is able to Govern his purse (if not his 
word)." 

The evolution of the first caterer in Providence was a 
way-mark in civilization ; and we must anticipate a few 
years to explain the beginning in 1736. The negro al- 
ways played a considerable part in the social life of 
Rhode Island, after the colonists had means enough to 
own him. A new kitchen was instituted by the skill of 
the house mistress working with the negro's aptitude. 
The freedmen of the period frequently left little estates. 60 
Jack Howard in 1715 had £145. in colonial bills ; John 
Read, " free nogro," had £100. in 1753. Emanuel 
(" Manna ") Bernoon in 1769 had a house and lot, with 
personal estate inventoried at £539. He was emancipated 
by Gabriel Bernon in 1736 and then began his regular 
business. The freedmen generally took the master's name 
and Manna distinguished his with an additional vowel. 
His wife, Mary, had been selling liquor without tippling 
on the premises for four years, competing on a ten-shilling 
license with Captains, Colonels and Esquires. 

Manna now or soon established the first oyster house 

on Town Street near the location of the subsequent custom 

house. The rude English-descended efforts in cookery 

were far surpassed by Huguenot skill and refinement. 

go Dorr, p. 177. 



1737] Jolly Negroes, Oysters, Privateers 225 

Manna sought the heart of the softening town by way of 
a gratified and contented stomach. His outfit included 
23 drinking glasses, 4 " juggs," pewter plates, spoons 
and cooking utensils in proportion. Best of all was his 
jolly smile as he clinked these glasses in the midst of 
descendants of Roger Williams and William Harris. 

The English declaration of war against Spain in 1739 
vitally affected our colony. In the next February the 
General Assembly prepared against possible invasion. 
Fort George was garrisoned and provision was made for 
Block Island. In May 200 men were sent to join the 
unfortunate attack on Carthagena. Privateers 61 swarmed 
out from Newport and were very successful. Captain 
Hull, of Newport, took one prize that afforded every man 
of his crew 1000 pieces of eight. These adventurers in 
privateering in some degree influenced the character of 
the colony and certainly prepared the way for her naval 
exploits in the Revolution. The sea-rover's life well fitted 
the man brought up on the shores of the Bay and the 
Great Salt River. It was not only the bold, dashing 
career bringing out the Norse blood of the race ; it was 
the desperate call for initiative at any moment. Outcast 
on land, the Rhode Island man was the more at home on 
the sea. In storm or calm, in shock of battle or the 
exigency of flight, the man had to put forth the best in 
him, and he became a hero. 

One of the surveyors to define the eastern line of the 
colony under the royal commission in 1741 took a more 
cheery view of the outcast colony than Cotton Mather 
set forth in the seventeenth century. 

" Here's full supply (food and drink) to cheer our hun- 
gry souls. 
61 Weeden, " E. and S. N. E.," Vol. II., pp. 601, 602. 



226 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

Here men may soon any religion find, 
Which quickly brought brave Holland to my mind, 
For here, like there, one with the greatest ease, 
May suit himself, or quit all if he please." 

Better at triangles than at verse, the surveyor was 
broad, if not graceful. 

The public Lottery has been regarded as a source, as 
well as a chance of either good or evil in early times. It 
began for us in 1744 in the grant for a scheme of £15,000, 
out of which was to come £3000 for the rebuilding of 
Weybosset Bridge. That it was public business is fur- 
ther demonstrated in the fact that the town subscribed 
for 400 tickets to encourage the movement. 

Communication eastward was enlarged by a public 
ferry at India Point where Washington Bridge now stands. 
There had long been ferriage at " narrow passage " or 
Red Bridge and a bridge " was at Pawtucket." The new 
ferry for the southeastward connection was regulated 
by an act in 1746, having been established a few years 
before. 

The population of the colony in 1748 was 41,280. The 
voters in Providence were 96, with 13 justices of the peace 
and 4 companies of militia. In 1749 there were 31 
licensed tavern keepers ; in 1750 there were 30. The 
highest licenses were at £8. each. The colony tax in 
1748 was £5000., of which Providence paid £550. and 
Newport £825. Our town spent £1165.5.5. in 1748, and 
ordered a tax for £1600. the next year. We must remem- 
ber that paper money affected these figures. 

February 19, 1748, 62 we have an account of the entry 
of the privateer sloop Reprisal, Captain W. Dunbar, as 
she brought in her prize, the French ship Industry. It 
62 « Early Rec," Vol. IX., p. 97. 



1748] Privateering and Prizes 227 

interests, as showing how the parts were divided and how 
many persons participated in these fascinating enter- 
prises. According to Moses Brown at a later day, the 
losers must be reckoned as well as the fortunate ones. 
Three Lippitts had each -J part in the sloop. Ann Lippitt 
signs for a negro man in the crew, one share. One owner 
holds V-2A part. David -\- Swanton, mariner, sells " all his 
share " to John Andrews and Darius Sessions. 

France had joined in the Spanish war in 1744, and our 
privateers severely punished her commerce. It is esti- 
mated 63 that over 100 French prizes were taken with rich 
cargoes, some of over $50,000 value. Captain John Den- 
nis was a terror to the French and they sent from Mar- 
tinique a strong war-vessel to pursue him especially. They 
misapprehended the Rhode Island rover; for the pursued 
turned fiercely and after four hours of hard fighting made 
the Frenchman his prize. 

The colony aided stoutly in the expedition against 
Louisburgh, and Captain Fones, with his sloop Tartar, 
headed a small fleet doing much execution. 

In 1754 the old householders' provision of fire buckets, 
with the line of men passing them to and fro, was found 
insufficient to protect the property in the growing town. 
Obadiah Brown and James Angell were commissioned to 
buy a " large water engine." The Boston machine was 
a small beginning toward the steamer and hydraulic 
hydrant of to-day, but it was a great advance over lifting 
water by hand. According to Staples, in 1755 the colony 
taxed Newport £14,000, South Kingston £5200., Provi- 
dence £4900. 

James and Obadiah Brown, brothers, descended from 
Chad, the early proprietor and minister, were largely en- 
gaged in commerce in the second quarter of the century. 
63 Brigham, " R. I.," p. 186. 



228 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

James was father of the " four brothers," of whom we 
shall hear much in the development of the larger Provi- 
dence. " Nicky, Josey, John and Mosey " were household 
words for a century. According to Moses Brown, 64 " My 
Father's Books shews eight vessels under his manage- 
ment, viz., Sloop Dolphin, Obadiah Brown, master, sloop 
Mary Godfrey, schooner Ann, sloop Rainbow, sloop Pclli- 
can, schooner Ann, Sam Gorton, master, sloop Mary 
Gould, John Hopkins, master, sloop Shearwater, John 
Hopkins, master- — all West India vessels, some to Surinam 
with horses &c. From 1730 (or 1738) to 1748 (sic) I 
find 15 and from 1748 to 1760 I find about 60 vessels by 
my Father, Obadiah Brown Books owned by him Stephen 
Hopkins, David Jenks, Nathan Angell and many others." 

In another connection he says : " I find in our Books 
only 84 vessels before the year 60, with their names and 
mostly their masters." 

Obadiah Brown was the younger brother and in 
partnership with James, who died in 1739. Nicholas, 
the nephew, was received into the partnership, and all the 
brothers were trained in business by their Uncle Obadiah. 
Moses married Obadiah's daughter and ultimately inher- 
ited his property. 

This period brings us to the consideration of, not a 
new, but newly developed kind of citizen in Providence 
Plantations. The original and truly educated immigrants 
— trained in an English university like Roger Williams, 
or in large affairs like the men of Newport — had long 
passed by. Their descendants included in Providence 
Bernon's " learned men," who were not learned as we 
understand the term. Now comes a citizen, born and 
trained on Rhode Island soil, who was, if not academic, a 
largely learned man. Stephen Hopkins was born March 
a* MSS. R. I. H. S. 



1750] Hopkins the True Rhode Islander 229 

7, 1706-7, at Massapauge, in the district now known as 
South Providence. His father, Major William Hop- 
kins, farmer, surveyor, etc., shortly removed to the bridle 
paths of Chapumscook, now Scituate, where our subject 
was reared and his essential character was formed. His 
grandmother was a daughter of Captain John Whipple, 
above noted, very prominent in plantation life about 1660- 
1685. Carpenter, innholder, surveyor, member of town 
council and of General Assembly, he acquired finally a 
considerable practice at law. He traded likewise in a 
large way for his circumstances. We can easily account 
for the mercantile bent of our subject. 

Samuel Wilkinson's daughter was Stephen's mother, 
contributing not only the blood of that vigorous stock, 
but the " inner light " of the individual derived from the 
Society of Friends. Captain Samuel Wilkinson was com- 
mended by Bernon for " his erudition in divine and civil 
law, historical narrative, natural and politic," 65 taught 
our subject mathematics and surveying. In this vocation, 
like Washington, the youth learned men as well as lands. 
The best instruction of all came from his mother, and it 
was " thorough and comprehensive." There were in the 
Hopkins home and in Grandfather Wilkinson's " circu- 
lating libraries " used among the families and neighbors. 66 

Stephen Hopkins' writings show that he studied the 
great English classics. All accounts indicate that he was 
a deep reader, as long as life lasted. Such men lacked 
the scholastic method, but they read and thought seri- 
ously, developing the powers of the individual mind. 
President Manning, of Brown University, said of Hop- 
kins in 1785, 67 " Possessing an uncommonly elevated 

65 Updike, N. C, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 54. 

66 Foster Hopkins, p. 46. 

67 Prov. Gazette, July 16. 



230 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

genius, his constant assiduous application in the pursuit 
of knowledge " rendered him distinguished. But the most 
significant testimony came from the trained and eloquent 
John Adams, showing how one untaught in the schools 
could teach the teachers themselves. " Governor Hop- 
kins had read Greek, Roman, and British history and 
was familiar with English poetry, particularly Pope, 
Thomson and Milton, and the flow of his soul made all of 
his reading our own, and seemed to bring to recollection 
in all of us, all we had ever read." 68 Strange that, out of 
the wilds of Scituate, there came a " flow of soul " which 
could enthrall the best scholars and highest spirits of 
America. In considering university education or lack of 
it, let us remember Jowett said one was fortunate who 
could pass through the Oxford courses without impairing 
his mental powers. But Jowett was in himself a school- 
master, and accordingly we must weigh his judgments 
carefully. 

The ability of young Hopkins was soon recognized by 
the townspeople. When twenty-four years old he was 
Moderator; at the next regular meeting in 1732, he was 
placed in the influential position of town clerk — held for 
ten years, or as long as he remained in Scituate. He 
was sent to the General Assembly in 1732, and became 
Speaker in 1741. His powers were valued wherever 
known, as appears in his engagement in 1737 to revise 
the streets of Providence and to project a map extending 
over Scituate. 

As the Browns led the merchants on land, so the Hop- 
kinses and their kindred led sailors on the seas. Accord- 
ing to Moses Brown, 17 vessels on his list were owned or 
commanded by these natural seadogs. Esek, the most dis- 
tinguished in this respect, left his home to enlist as a com- 
es Foster, p. 48n. 



1750] Commerce Develops Larger Ideas 231 

mon sailor in 1738, soon becoming captain. He resided 
at first at Newport, removing to Providence in 1755. 

Stephen, this sturdy son of Rhode Island— bred from 
her innermost stock— came to Providence Plantation in 
1742. A generation had been sending abroad the ves- 
sels built by Nathaniel Browne and others, loaded with 
produce yielded by the fertile lands around the Great 
Salt River. The Bay, Long Island Sound, the mighty 
Hudson, all had helped to bring Newport and at last 
Providence into closer contact with all the seaboard mar- 
kets, as well as ocean commerce. The shell encasing the 
early plantation was bursting outward into open and 
freer life, through its communication with the great world 
outside. Poverty, says Chaucer, is a " gret bringer-out 
of bisyness." And it has been often said that men of 
studious habit seldom acquire knowledge of affairs. In 
Stephen Hopkins we have a remarkable example of edu- 
cation by contact with affairs, enlightened by his own 
constant use of books. It has been noted 69 how the 
" learned men " of the little plantation impressed Gabriel 
Bernon, coming from the larger opportunities of Europe. 
Their " learning " was far from academic. It came from 
the open-minded school of experience. Hopkins entered 
into commercial ventures, especially in joint interest with 
the Wantons at Newport. He must have been largely 
acquainted at Newport, for his visits there began as early 
as 1732, when he went as a member of the General Assem- 
bly. 

The enlargement of the plantation in a social sense is 
indicated by the course of religious opinion. Four build- 
ings, maintained for religious worship, existed in 1742; 
the old Baptist meeting-house at the corner of Smith 
Street, the Friends' on Meeting Street, King's Episcopal 
so Ante, p. 209. 



The Commercial Growth of Providence 

at Church Street, and the Congregational at the corner 
of College and Benefit Streets. There was one mill and 
three taverns. A draw in Weybosset Bridge enabled ves- 
sels to pass to and from Nathaniel Browne's old shipyard, 
just above the bridge on the west side. Roger Kinni- 
cut had succeeded Browne in the business about 1730. 

The tide of life and trade had been surging down the 
" old Cheapside " midway in Town Street, and keeping 
with the current of travel from Boston to New York ; 
it was now turning over the " Great Bridge " toward 
larger territory across Great Salt River, rnd along the 
roads leading to the southwest. Weybosset (sometime 
Broad) Street, a landmark of this movement, was not 
approved by " The Neck " when it was opened. The 
Hay ward or Hay market had opened about 1738, a space 
for the present Market Square, which gave a center for 
increasing business. 

The narrow lanes from Town Street to the waterfront, 
curiously named for coins, were matter of contest between 
the old proprietors and the freemen at large. Now in 
1738, the freemen outnumbered the old proprietors, and 
the latter lost their control of town affairs. 

The Lottery system was a crude method for bringing 
out the social energies of those days. The universal gam- 
bling spirit, potent individually, was forced outward into 
social channels, and made to support all kinds of enter- 
prises good in themselves and desired by the public. It 
was initiated here in 1744, 70 when a lottery was granted 
by the General Assembly to rebuild Weybosset Bridge. 

Commerce proper, since Gideon Crawford, the merchant, 

in 1687, and Nathaniel Browne, the shipbuilder in 1711, 

had developed sufficiently on the Town Street wharves to 

draw downward from the northern districts all the produce 

70 Staples, p. 197. 



1751] Direct Commerce to London 233 

intended for export. By 1745 northern Rhode Island 
and the Blackstone valley of Massachusetts were sending 
farm products to the Providence merchants for exchange 
into West Indian and European wares. These larger 
movements were encouraged and more or less initiated by 
Stephen Hopkins. In the middle of the last century, a 
capable investigator, William Hunter, said, 71 " Stephen 
Hopkins taught Providence her capabilities and calcu- 
lated rather than prophesied her future growth and pros- 
perity." The inevitable superiority of a port at the 
head of navigation was beginning to tell in competition 
with richer Newport; though the latter had a century of 
advantage in enterprise and development. By the close 
of the French war in 1763, the larger commerce was well 
established. 

In 1747 Robert Gibbs, Stephen Hopkins and some 
forty of the most forecasting citizens obtained an ordi- 
nance for Back Street, the present Benefit. The proprie- 
tors of old home-lots contending for their graveyards, had 
vainly opposed the movement. Hereafter the term in 
deeds and wills was altered to " house-lot." The Fenner 
estate looking out on Market Square threatened violent 
resistance. Gradually compromise prevailed and the most 
radical change of the eighteenth century was instituted, 72 
reconstructing the " East Side." The members of the 
First Congregational Church had not been able to get 
to their location, the site of the present county court- 
house. 

The large commerce for which the West Indian ventures 
had prepared the way, made a significant advance in 
1751 or about that time. Theretofore the shopkeepers 
of our little plantation had been middlemen or jobbers, as 

7i Newport History Mag., Vol. II., p. 142. 
72 Dorr, p. 150. 



234 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

we say. They were tributary to Newport directly — to Bos- 
ton, New York and Philadelphia for the abundant Euro- 
pean goods a higher civilization was demanding. Now 
they were to become importers ; for Colonel Edward Kin- 
nicut — brother of Roger, the shipbuilder — loaded a ves- 
sel in the Seekonk with timber and took this first direct 
cargo to London. He brought back goods enough to 
furnish three shops ; his own, Obadiah Brown's and 
Daniel Jenks\ The vessel was owned by the two latter 
jointly, with Stephen Hopkins. Kinnicut finally died in 
London in 1754. 

In 1757 Captain Esek Hopkins brought in a valuable 
prize, the snow Desire. This was among the early prizes for 
our port, which, according to Moses Brown, were captured 
" during the (French) war, to the making of many rich 
and some poor." The shrewd Quaker correctly estimated 
the speculative risk of this business ; but it stimulated 
enterprise and developed brave and venturesome seamen. 

When Hopkins settled in our plantation he found the 
scale of living advancing rapidly. The personal apparel 
and household goods which had been luxurious for the 
Crawfords in the second decade, had become customary 
and necessary for a well-to-do community much increased 
in numbers. Captain James Brown, father of the " Four 
Brothers," died in 1739; a fair type of the merchant bred 
out of West Indian commerce. He appointed his " Relict 
Widdow," Mrs. Hope Brown, one of his three executors, 73 

His wearing apparel was valued at £92., with Books at 
£10.10. In bonds, "bills of credit" (paper currency), 
etc., £1656.0.8. appeared, in book debts £416.2.4., in gold 
and silver £126.10. The domestic outfit included £6.15. 
in table linen, in brass and copper £19.10., in iron ware 
£31.1., in pewter £18.18. Two small looking glasses with 
73 MSS. Probate Rec, Vol. III., p. 357. 



1751] Pewter Was in Common Use 235 

16 earthen platters and a cannister amounted to £6.6. 
Ten " Baker " glasses with two sets China dishes and 
bowls stood at £12.10. 

The beaker was a distinctive wine-cup, originally of 
earthen ware in England. Such vessels were not men- 
tioned in our colony, but made of the incoming glass, they 
frequently appear in the inventories of this period. 

In household furnishings we find 6 feather beds at 
£129.19. ; 15 chairs, 1 looking glass, 2 oval tables at £28., 
and one clock. There was a considerable stock of mer- 
chandise for sale in English and other goods. The dis- 
tilling apparatus on sale indicated the importance of that 
business. Two stills and worms, tubs, cranes, pumps and 
troughs were valued at £800. Four negroes £300. Two 
yoke of oxen £66. Two cows and calf £26. One horse, 
saddle and bridle £54. The total personal estate 
amounted to £5653.14.4. 

Next the feather bed, perhaps the most constant and 
significant unit of domestic comfort in the previous half 
or three-quarters of a century, had been in pewter ware. 
In the early days of Town Street the table service had 
been of wooden ware, reinforced with occasional earthen 
pieces. Pewter in plates, platters, cups and spoons 
usurped the place of these humble vessels ; and even cham- 
berpots became almost universal. 

The ware of our colony and the more lofty plate of 
Europe was variously compounded; but generally of tin, 
with lead in smaller proportion. Between silver on the 
one hand and glass ware on the other, pewter has lost 
rank in our time, but enthusiasts still admire its modest 
character. They claim that the soft pearl-gray color 
is more beautiful than the brilliant white of silver; which 
must always be rather harder to an eye seeking quiet. 74 

**Masse\ "Pewter Plate," p. 8. 



236 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

As mentioned, pewter was preceded by platters and even 
porringers of wood; and it went out of general use when 
porcelain and stone-ware became sufficiently cheap in 
price. The ware was manufactured by casting or ham- 
mering, or by both processes united. The necessary 
molds used in casting were always expensive. The articles 
were finished by hand or on a lathe and then burnished. 
Pewterers had shops in Boston. 

Doubtless many of the shoe-buckles, so generally worn, 
were made of pewter; there were inkstands and a covered 
tobacco-box. The necessary punch-ladle abounded at 
this period ; frequently oval and deep in the cup, with a 
slender handle of turned wood. Our colonists generally 
had the tankard; a term loosely applied, but commonly a 
covered vessel, holding a quart or more. 

It is difficult to adjust actual values and nominal prices 
in these records. When the common currency is not re- 
deemable, prices vary, but do not respond absolutely to 
the fluctuating standard. Labor and articles of mer- 
chandise in common domestic use, do not oscillate in price 
as rapidly as the currency varies. Imports and foreign 
trade must closely follow the true financial barometer. 

The wars compelled the poor American colonies to use 
public credit, the only available substitute for money. 
Rhode Island blundered worst in issuing paper money and 
in not redeeming it. Unlike Massachusetts, she had no 
Hutchinson to repair in some degree the consequences 
of her legislative folly. Hutchinson, though a Tory in 
the Revolution, literally forced the Bay to place her cur- 
rency on a specie basis ; for this he deserves eternal grati- 
tude. 

It is better to have too much currency than too little. 
It is often assumed that paper money of necessity brought 
evil and disaster; but it is untrue. Bad as a bad cur- 



1751] The Bad Currency Breaks Down 237 

rency is, it is better than none. No other principle can 
explain the extraordinary instinct of producers, demand- 
ing more and yet more money. Merchants, and especially 
bankers, see the constant evils of redundant money, but 
producers still cry for more. While this depreciated 
money existed in our period, affairs were expanding and 
the community was prosperous. History must relate 
what was, and not try to interpret what ought to have 
been. 

Let us refer to the meager records for some estimate of 
values. In May, 1726, 75 a judgment was awarded in 
court of £181.10 in " bills of credit " to liquidate a claim 
of £100. in silver, showing a depreciation of about 55 per 
cent. 

By 1740 the depreciation in Old Tenor had proceeded 
so far that the General Assembly created a grade of New 
Tenor in bills for £20,000, bearing four per cent, interest 
for ten 3 r ears. The nominal rate fixed for silver in this 
medium was 9s. per ounce, and in Old Tenor 27s. per 
ounce. 76 

February 27, 1748-9, a committee of the Assembly 
passed bills of credit at the rate £1050. in paper for £100. 
sterling. A few months before exchange had been at the 
rate of 570 per cent. This rapid fall of paper indicated 
a coming crash in business, to be caused by this depre- 
ciating currency. The bills of the various issues or 
" Banks " were being burned at periods of ten years ; 
but the process was not fast enough. 

The colonies of Massachusetts and Rhode Island were 
destined to part company in finance. In April, 1751, 
their bills of credit were equal in value. In September 
those of Rhode Island had fallen 20 per cent, below her 

75 Arnold, Vol II., p. 82. 

76 Ibid., p. 128. 



238 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

neighbor's. Bills on London sold for 1100 per cent, pre- 
mium in Old Tenor. The New Tenor had fallen to less 
than half its nominal value. Generally, prices and con- 
tracts had been quoted in Old Tenor. In 1763 7T the 
General Assembly attempted to bring order out of the 
confused currencies by enacting that silver and gold should 
be the legal tender, unless contracts should otherwise 
specify. A scale of depreciation to guide the courts was 
applied to transactions of the previous thirteen years. 
This placed the Spanish dollar at £5.7. in 1751, and at 
£7., Old Tenor, in 1763. 

We have given this sketch of fluctuating values to ex- 
plain as far as possible the social relations of expenditure 
and of prices. 

If we look closely into the inventories we shall perceive 
the effect of such fluctuating currencies, in the prices 
caused by better ways of living required in the growing 
commercial community. 

Hon. Joseph Jen ekes, Esq. {sic), had wearing apparel 
worth £84.13. and books to the value of £15. The worthy 
gentleman made up in redundancy of titles what he lacked 
in substance, for his personal estate was only £121.1. 
Captain Abraham Angell had £108.10. in wearing ap- 
parel; and £12. in books and mathematical instruments. 
He must have been frequently thirsty, for there were 8 
China punch bowls at £9. The domestic outfit included 
one dozen China plates at £6., earthen ware at £1.10.6., 
silver spoons at £12.5. There was a horse, saddle and 
bridle at £50., with % parts and ^ part of a two-mast 
boat at £20. His total personal estate was £851.10.4. 
Some occasional prices interest us. A punch bowl and 
cover — probably of pewter — was appraised at 8s., a pair 
of leather breeches at £1.8., a pair of boots and an old 

77 Arnold, Vol. II., p. 244. 



1751] Dress of the Mid-Century 239 

wig at £2.10. Knives, forks and razors were common, 
and the inevitable joynt-stool stood at 20s. 

January 12, 1741-2, 78 Thomas Harris's inventory shows 
wearing apparel at £50. Coke upon Littleton, a great 
Bible and several books at £25. He walked out in a large 
pair of silver shoe buckles worth £4.15., and carrying 
either a cane or a walking staff with silver ferrule and 
ivory head — the two valued at £1.16. His four swords 
stood at £4. Seven and one-half yards " bought " broad 
cloth was appraised at £32.5., and thirteen and one- 
quarter yards of " Home Made " at £13.5. Four feather 
beds at £110., with the furnishings, 1 warming pan £4. 
Case of Drawers £7. Large round table £3.10. Great 
table £7. He had a moderate farming outfit in a per- 
sonal estate of £839.4.6. 

October 23, 1742, 79 Captain William Walker died in 
Narragansett intestate; Mrs. Hope Browne being " Big- 
est Creditor " to his considerable movable estate, was 
appointed administratrix. He owned but one feather 
bed, and for a sober married citizen was a very extravagant 
fop. In wearing apparel he left £166.13.16., and in 
" Plate" £43.18. On his finger he flourished a gold ring 
with " five sparks supposed to be dimonds," valued at 
£20. His " camelian seal " was in gold at £2.10. ; his 
highly decorated person was supported by a " gold cane " 
worth £15. His house was amply furnished and con- 
tained 21 pictures in frames at £5.5. A small time piece 
was appraised at £10. ; a China punch bowl £2.5. ; sundry 
glasses £2.8. ; 16 spoons, tongs, strainer — probably of 
pewter, with case at £1.; earthen ware 5s. Snuff-boxes 
were rarely mentioned and Captain Walker's toilet in- 
cluded one at £1.5. He had one burning and one spy 
glass at £2.2. ; a hunting horn at £2. ; one pair polished 
78 MSS. Probate Rec, Wills, Vol. IV., p. 25. 79 ibid., p. 52. 



240 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

nut crackers £3. ; one coffee-mill £1.4. We may note a 
knife and fork, the first described with a carved handle at 
£1.10. And a knife with one " totam " to pour rum was 
valued at £2. A doctor's saw and " Checkard Bord " 
stood at £1. He was a trader, dealing in drugs and 
carrying a small stock of dry goods. The negro's bed 
and bedstead were appraised at £3.5. ; one wine press £1. 
and two negro men £300. In books he had £46.14.1., but 
very likely they were for sale. The whole personal estate 
was £2498.18. 

In contrast we may take account of the way of living 
of a farmer, Pardon Sheldon, whose personal estate was 
£1063.7.3. His wearing apparel was £61.10. Books 
£1. and table linen £3.10. His kitchen furniture included 
iron ware at £10.15., brass at £13.10., and wooden ware 
at £5.5. There was earthen ware and glass at £3.10. 
The hetchel, the useful wool-cards, with wheels for spin- 
ning wool and cotton, all appeared. Ten loads of good 
hay with some " ruff " were appraised at £45.10., and 700 
lbs. of tobacco at £23. 

Thomas Taylor, 80 a " gooldsmith," had in wearing ap- 
parel £74.9., and in books £2. The tools of his trade were 
worth £11.11. There was 2 oz. 8 dwt. in gold at £48.; 
64 oz. 8 dwt. 9 grains in silver and " fashioning " at 
£100.5. In stock were 15 pair shoe buckles at £1.5., and 
" steel flucks and tounges for buckles " at £2. A parcel 
of glass sleeve buttons stood at £1.5. One teapot, some 
China and earthen ware were valued at £6.15. This shows 
how the use of " China " or fine porcelain was creeping 
in. His 6 knives and forks were valued at 15s. and his 
pewter ware at £4. Table linen £2., one feather bed and 
furniture at £3.5. and £11.16. in bed linen. 

Amos King represented the artificer and man of all 
so MSS. Probate Rec, Wills, Vol. IV., p. 73. 



1751] Wm. Turpin, "Yeoman" 241 

work, with wearing apparel at £17.5., books at £1. and 
one bed. His carpenter's tools stood at £8.15. and a 
shoemaking outfit at £1.10. He had 1 pair of " woosted " 
combs at £3., with 2 spinning wheels, worsted and woollen 
yarn. One loom and gears were valued at £6.10. In live 
stock he had 3 cows, 13 sheep, 1 mare and 2 shoats. His 
total personal estate was £244.13.8. 

In another instance, a cooper, had £43.10. in wearing 
apparel, £2.10. in books and £14. in 7 silver spoons about 
11 oz. The owner had a few shoemaking tools and a 
small farming outfit. 

Stephen Arnold, 81 of a well-known family, indulged in 
wearing apparel at £121.9., with sword and cane at £16. 
His " plate " weighed 54f oz. at £82., and there is the 
first mention of a " cradle " and furniture at £2.5. His 
books were £2.10., and pewter ware £13.4. Glass, China, 
earthen ware and one teapot stood at £9.7. Additional 
earthen ware £1.3. Carpenter's and other tools, one 
canoe, sail and oars £23., four pair oyster tongs £4., in 
3700 shingles £9.5. and a negro boy stood at £140. 
Evidently he did not improve much land, for his animals 
were one cow at £14. and two swine at £10. The total 
personal estate was £2251.4.6. 

William Turpin — whom we may presume to be de- 
scended from the school and innkeepers — was entitled 
" yeoman," though he kept a shop. His wearing apparel 
was £62.3. and in silver spoons and " other plate " he had 
£30.2. His books were valued at £3.5., with one bible 
additional. He had a stock of hardware, with an assort- 
ment of dry goods. The usual housekeeping outfit was 
liberal. 

The old custom was continued which circumscribed the 
widow's property in case of future marriage. 

si MSS. Probate Rec, Wills, Vol. IV., p. 101. 



242 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

Epenetus Olney bequeathed to his loving wife Mary, 
his house with the adjoining meadows, orchards and fenc- 
ing. She was to have the " whole command, management 
and improvement for support of family, and bringing up 
of small children, until Charles, the youngest, should be 
twenty one." If she remained unmarried she was to in- 
herit one-half of the above property for life; and Charles 
was to inherit one-half. Should she marry again, Charles 
was to inherit her one-half. Olney was a farmer and his 
personal estate was £1010.19.3. 

Men rarely signed now with a mark ; this manual ap- 
peared more often in documents executed by women. 
Sarah Carpenter used the -f- and had no books. Her 
modest apparel, valued at £20., was equaled in a gift of 
the same amount toward a " Friends' Meeting house being 
built in Pautuxet." Her silver plate was £54., and her 
pewter £16. In tin ware she had £1.15., in earthen £1.17., 
in wooden £1.10., in " tea ware " £10.5. Her table linen 
was £6.15., and a loom with gears was appraised at £9. 
There was a considerable amount in notes and bonds in the 
personal estate of £1245.0.8. 

Mary Rhoades, widow, was rich, with a personal estate 
of £3636.9.11. Her wearing apparel was £77.15. and 
her books £7. She possessed the largest amount, £90., in 
" plate," noted so far and it was set forth on table linen 
worth £27.4. There were four looking glasses at £30., 
£6., £2.10. and 5s., respectively. In pewter and tin 
£23.15., in earthen ware £3.2.6., with a warming pan at 
30s. Two linen and woollen wheels. One apple mill 
£2.10., with cider. She had no farming outfit, but there 
was 2800 lbs. tobacco valued at £93.6.8. A negro and 
his bed stood at £160. 

Experience Salisbury, a single woman, did not possess 
a large estate; but out of the £103.5.7., she expended 



1751] An Insolvent Record 243 

£50.7.2. in ordinary wearing apparel, and £12. in a gold 
necklace. 82 

There is recorded among prices, ^ part of the brig 
Providence at £412.10. ; a boat and appurtenances at 
£325., a canoe at £4. A set of saddlers' tools was ap- 
praised at £12. The wearing apparel of a poor man, in 
one instance, was £3. 

General prosperity in the community did not exempt 
those catering to its wants from occasional failure. Octo- 
ber 12, 1742, 83 Arnold Coddington, a descendant of Gov- 
ernor William, died insolvent. His inventory, £3640.0.3., 
was the longest recorded so far. He dealt freely in 
luxuries, including colored broadcloths, callimancos, shal- 
loons, camlet, crape and buckram, and stockings with 
clocks. Silk gloves, linen and silk damask and " gor- 
geous " ribands appear. For the maidens, there were 
" Girls' fans " of black gauze. For males Mr. Codding- 
ton provided buckles — gold and silver for shoes — and 
" for all the other emergencies of human life." This 
latter omnibus clause doubtless contemplated something 
beyond buckles. Miscellaneous wants were not forgotten, 
for the stock included not only hardware, but razors, 
tooth-brushes, mouse traps and " sliding perspective 
glasses." A little creative fancy may scatter these luxu- 
ries among the various accounts of wearing apparel, shown 
in our inventories. The eighteenth century reflected it- 
self outwardly in the dress of the colonies, as well as in 
the capitals of Europe. 

Although Gabriel Bernon about 1721 could call the lead- 
ing citizens of Providence " learned men," their peculiar 

82 These ornaments became almost universal. A century ago in 
the South County, a woman bewailed, " I am so poor, I have not a 
bead to my neck." 

83 MSS. Probate Records, Prov., Vol. IV., p. 60. 



244 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

learning could have been hardly obtained directly from 
books. The inventories indicate that there were fewer 
books owned by individuals in the early eighteenth than 
there were in the latter seventeenth century. Possibly 
there were small circulating libraries about, as certainly 
they were used by the Hopkins family in Scituate. 

About 1750 84 Chief Justice Cole, Judge Jenckes, 
nephew of the Governor and afterward a bookseller, Col. 
Ephraim Bowen, Nicholas Brown and others, formed the 
" public subscription library " ; obtaining from the General 
Assembly, the council chamber in the courthouse, for 
storing the books. Boston and Newport, then, had the 
only public libraries in New England. This library was 
finally merged in the Providence Athenaeum. Stephen 
Hopkins catalogued the first collection, which was mostly 
burned. The list of 1768 shows standard classics, both 
ancient — and the English, which included Milton, Hooker, 
Spectator, Guardian, Bacon and Locke. There was 
Prince's N. E. Chronology, and, Herrea : La Hontan stand 
for American history. Political science was represented 
by Coke, Vattel, Puffendorf and Grotius. 

The old plantation, expanding its commerce, and 
crowded against the hilly peninsula, could not be restrained 
within the limits of the Great Salt River. Yet the pas- 
sage and improvement beyond was very slow. The. 
marshy soil and scant supply of fresh water repelled set- 
tlers. A plat of 175'3 S5 shows a street from J. Whit- 
man's house across Waterman's marsh to Mathewson's 
land, now occupied by the street of the same name. 86 
It has been stated that Beneficent Congregational Church 

s* Foster Hopkins, p. 128. 
85 Dorr, p. 127. 

ss Mr. H. R. Chace has contributed much to the knowledge of 
this district by his thorough studies. 



1752] Public Schools Improved 245 

dates from 1743, but the street westward was not im- 
proved until a lottery for £600. started it in 1763. A 
new town, Westminster, projected in honor of Charles J. 
Fox, had been defeated in the General Assembly by votes 
of Newport and the South County; a rare instance when 
the southern hostility actually forwarded the development 
of Providence. Westminster Street was named about 
1769. There were only five houses on it in 1771. 

Another indication of progress in the mid-century was 
in the better attention given to public schools. After 
an arrested movement in the latter seventeenth century, 
there was a strange and dark period, when nothing is re- 
corded concerning schools. In 1752, 87 a strong com- 
mittee was empowered to " care for the town school house, 
and to appoint a master." The house was then leased 
to Stephen Jackson, schoolmaster, and it was leased again 
in 1763. There had been schools meanwhile, for George 
Taylor had a chamber for a school in the state house in 
1735. In 1751 permission was given for a schoolhouse 
on the west side. In 1767 a movement for genuine free 
schools, according to Moses Brown, " was rejected by the 
POORER sort of people." 8S At that time there were on 
the west side 102 houses, having 911 inhabitants fit for 
schooling; of whom 189 were between the ages of 5 and 
14 years. 

After this failure, in 1768 the town partially erected 
a brick schoolhouse on the old court house lot. It was 
completed by individual proprietors, who had possession 
of the upper story. As was inevitable, this mixed munici- 
pal and proprietary control produced unsatisfactory re- 
sults, until it was changed in 1785. S9 

S7 Staples, p. 495. 

88 Ibid., p. 500. 

89 Ibid., p. 502, 



246 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

Another reminiscence of Moses Brown's concerned the 
matter of marine insurance, made necessary by the en- 
larged commerce, and especially by direct shipments to 
Europe. By 1756, 90 and probably earlier, Stephen Hop- 
kins had an office of his own, for insuring risks at sea. 
Others underwriting on this system were John Gerrish 
and Joseph Lawrence. 

In 1758 Benjamin Franklin's post-office — a harbinger 
of American unity — established its station in Providence, 
under the administration of Samuel Chace. The office 
occupied several points — at one time opposite St. John's 
Church, until in 1768 it was moved into Market Square. 
At this period the water by the present Steeple Street 
was deep enough to send brigs and barks to London and 
Dublin. The enterprising merchants, John Innes Clark 
and Nightingale, were located on the long dock there. 
Joseph and William Russell were the chief importers of 
English and Irish goods. This extensive trade compelled 
the merchants to publish important advertisements in the 
Boston newspapers. Cotton Mather's critical spirit was 
laid, so far as trade and commerce were concerned. The 
Providence Gazette, issued by Sarah and William God- 
dard in October, 1762, afforded opportunity for publish- 
ing this intelligence at home. It was issued at the Sign 
of Shakespeare's Head in 1763. After November 12, 
1768, it was assumed by John Carter, a pupil of Doctor 
Franklin and an excellent printer. Under his manage- 
ment the Gazette was equal to the best colonial news- 
papers. 

There were a few books sold by the general traders, 

but Daniel Jenckes opened the first regular book-shop at 

this time at his place of business. The larger culture of 

the new and growing community involved a new use of 

so Foster Hopkins, p. 117. 



1768] Books and Symbolic Signs 247 

books. The best current English literature was freely 
imported and sold. This Sign of Shakespeare's Head was 
just above the Great (Weybosset) Bridge. 

These signs marked some important phases of social 
history ; one of the many correspondences between mind 
and matter. The sign informed not only by legend, but 
by symbol and significant association. For our colon- 
ists, the love of home and old English associations was 
fostered by these symbols and swinging signs, which were 
in full use in the eighteenth century. They were in all 
the busy portions of Providence, while the Bunch of 
Grapes and Turk's Head signs were famous for gener- 
ations. 

The new court (or state) house was built at this time 
on Town Street just above Meeting or Jail Lane. Town 
meetings were held in the hall or lower story. Here 
exhibitions and dramatic performances found audience, 
Franklin's book on electricity had been read, and one 
Johnson advertised lectures on the new discoveries, March 
1, 1764. 91 We may perceive that even heretical Provi- 
dence must provide against the subtle ways of Satan, for 
the orthodox scientist had to specify that the " guarding 
against lightning is shown not to be chargeable with pre- 
sumption, nor inconsistent with any of the principles of 
natural or Revealed Religion." 

We may now consider Stephen Hopkins, the citizen of 
Providence, in his political functions. No one was so 
often moderator of the town-meeting. He represented 
the town almost constantly in the General Assembly, and 
was its Speaker in 1744 and again in 1749. He became 
Chief Justice of the Superior Court of Rhode Island in 
1751. In Judge Durfee's opinion, for ordinary judicial 
business at that time, " honesty, good sense, diligence and 

»i Dorr, p. 157. 



248 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

fair-mindedness were tolerable substitutes for professional 
learning." And in Ins judgment " Hopkins, though not 
a lawyer, was doubtless a good judge." 92 

In 1754 he was to pass upward and outward, from 
town and colony toward the larger representation which 
was to form the American Union. Chancellor Kent held 
that the leaders of the Albany Congress prepared the 
way for the future independence and expansion of the 
Republic. Our subject was a delegate and no one entered 
more fully into Franklin's ideas and purposes. Pro- 
ceeding from opportunities and acquaintances began here, 
he commenced correspondence with many men of power 
throughout the country. These were the beginnings of 
that wonderful system conducted by committees of corre- 
spondence, which ultimately so underrun the colonies and 
prepared them for the eruption of independence. 

Hopkins was elected Governor in 1755. 93 The " seven 
years " or " old French War " oppressed the colonies. 
Little Rhode Island made tremendous exertions, issued 
paper money and tried her credit to the utmost. Lord 
Loudon, the English commander-in-chief, complimented 
the Governor on his prompt support, and General Wins- 
low, commanding for Massachusetts, said that our colony 
" comes nearest up to their quota." The Governor's 
opponents charged him with nepotism and special com- 
mercial regulations for his private advantage during the 
war. As he was re-elected in 1756, we may conclude these 
were the administrative methods of the time, rather than 
any personal fault of Hopkins. 

In 1750 Kent County was detached from the northern 
country. Bristol County included the southeastern terri- 
tory which had been detached from Plymouth colony. 

82 Durfee, " Judicial History," p. 93. 
93 Cf. Brigham, pp. 200-203. 



1768] Hopkins-Ward Controversy & 

Newport was the center of business, wealth and culture 
at this period. King's, our familiar " south " county, 
was cognate in many characteristics, and Higginson con- 
sidered that it added features of the country life of Vir- 
ginia. 94 The commercial interests of the port of Bristol 
allied it politically to growing Providence, but the south- 
ern part of the colony opposed the north. 

This sectional diversity culminated in the canvass of 
1755-1767, which was the fiercest controversy known in 
a controversial community. Stephen Hopkins led the 
north, winning over Samuel Ward, of the south. We 
must study the character and circumstances of Ward, as 
this contest reflects social conditions affecting the planta- 
tions then, and possibly now. Ward's grandfather had 
been attached to the Commonwealth in England ; emigrat- 
ing to Newport, he was much respected there. The son 
Richard was a merchant and held many offices in the 
colony. Samuel was born in 1725. He went to the 
grammar school at Newport, then one of the best in the 
country. Doubtless he was tutored by his brother, a 
Harvard graduate. 95 Certainly, he grew up in Berkeley's 
community, where, for the moment, light and leading was 
as good as anywhere in the world. At twenty-one years 
he was both merchant and farmer, for Richard's estates 
westward in King's took him out and mounted him as a 
country squire. Marrying Anne Ray, of Block Island, 
they were dowried with a farm in the southern part of 
Westerly and settled there. He kept a store in the vil- 
lage and was engaged in commerce, both at Newport 
and Stonington. He practiced farming — high for the 
time — improved the breeds of animals, succeeding espe- 
cially with Narragansett pacers for export. Consider- 

9* Harper's Mag., LXVII., p. 439. 
95 Gammell, " Samuel Ward," p. 237. 



250 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

ing the average life of New England, we may say that 
he represented both patroon and patrician. Ward was 
a fruit out of the world at large; Hopkins, his opponent, 
was the product of Rhode Island. 

Mention has been made of the four brothers Brown. 
Their father, James, died in 1739. Their mother, Hope 
Power, descended from Pardon Tillinghast, was left a 
widow with six children under fifteen. Living to be more 
than ninety, she saw her four sons accomplished in vari- 
ous industries, and ranking among the foremost men of 
their time. This best of mothers bred them within the 
home, while without their Uncle Obadiah trained them in 
severe integrity and the better mercantile methods of the 
time. Schooling was limited, but these men were edu- 
cated through strict conduct of affairs. The brothers 
were now operating with Obadiah or as Nicholas Brown 
& Co. They distilled rum and manufactured candles of 
spermaceti, traded to the West Indies and turned their 
merchandise at home. 

John, the third brother, should be noticed especially, 
for after Hopkins, he was the leading and essential Rhode 
Islander of the latter eighteenth century. The present 
writer was lucky enough to find 96 his first memo, or pocket 
day-book, running from October 23, 1755, to November 
19, 1758. He was then nineteen and traveling on his 
brother's or his uncle's affairs. These shrewd entries 
picture the life as well as the ways of business in the 
Plantation of Providence. John could spell a piece of 
crockery ware into a " point boal," but his self-taught 
English was sufficient for the largest affairs and always 
clear. He appreciated academic education for others, 
laying the cornerstone of Brown University, and serving 
as its treasurer for twenty years. His first entries show 
96 In MSS., N. Brown & Co. I 



1757] John Brown's Memo-Book 251 

that he was keepii.g accounts, posting books for Esek 
Hopkins and others, chiefly at " nite "; 10s. to 15s. being 
charged for each sendee. The entertaining punch ap- 
pears frequently, and occasionally " my club " costs Is. to 
6s. at a tavern ; once we have " Club at 6d. a dame." 
Again " Punch, playing Catt 19s." Abraham Whipple 
is often loaned a few shillings. " Watermillions " down 
the river ameliorated a hot day in August, when George 
Hopkins " overpaid your part of Expenses at the pru- 
dence frolick." Probably the clam was too common to 
be noticed. A curious transaction shows that Benjamin 
West paid £15. " for which I am to stand his chances of 
being Drafted out of the Melishe." Doubtless, the mean- 
ing was — drafted out to serve in the militia. Many sup- 
plies are furnished the brig Providence, including one pair 
Swivel Guns £100. by John Brown. 

In May, 1757, he took the sloop Mary to Philadelphia, 
being furnished forth with a most varied list of family 
wants ; earthen tea pots for Aunt Brown, " Tea Board to 
seet wine glasses &c " for mother, " 1 seet Chaney " for 
Mrs. Angell. The sloop carried out candles, oil, whale- 
bone, rum, fish and two passengers at £1.7. and £2.0.6. ; 
returned with flour and other merchandise. An " Alle 
blaster Babe " (again " Babey ") was ordered and he 
booked for himself " Franklin on Electricity." Proceeds 
of a cheese from Mrs. Angell was to be laid out in Brushes. 
Geese feathers were often ordered from Philadelphia. No 
narrow home-territory could furnish enough ganders and 
goslings to fill the ever-increasing feather beds. Aunt 
Corlies replenished her " Chaney " by this convenient op- 
portunity. He bought a horse and rode home. 

There was much intercourse with Nantucket where our 
manufacturers obtained their oil and " head-matter." In 
an interesting list of goods carried on one of Iris many 



252 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

trips, there are coats, jackets, " Briches," stockings, 
checked and white shirts ; and for fair and feminine cus- 
tomers silk and linen handkerchiefs, " 7 white Nach- 
lasses, 4 White Caps, 1 Wigg, 1 Hat, 1 white Jackett." 
Captain John Beard paid four pistoles for $400 insur- 
ance on his sloop to Mountechrsto " Clere of all sea- 
susure." There are constant entries of sugar, rum, 
head-matter and goods of all sorts. Generally the prices 
are in lawful money, but all sorts of currency are used as 
in the above agreement for insurance. Providence and 
Newport, Warren and Bristol prosecuted whaling to some 
extent ; but Nantucket far surpassed them. 

Joseph and Moses Brown might have been of the type 
of Gabriel Bernon's " learned men " of a generation earlier. 
But Nicholas and John were educated by the great cur- 
rent of affairs. Born of the best stock in narrow circum- 
stances, these youth were thoroughly disciplined in a 
Puritan home. Without, they took in large ideas from 
the mariners, who carried their small craft through the 
stormy subtropical seas, going sometimes to Europe, and 
traded their cargoes skillfully with Frenchmen and Span- 
iards. James Brown, the father, and Obadiah, the uncle, 
began as captains in this traffic and ended as merchants. 
These mariners afloat or ashore were intelligent, enter- 
prising men, dealing in the world's commodities, and sen- 
sible of the expanding opportunities of colonial English- 
men. Sufficient attention has not been given to the cir- 
cumstances of our community now looking outward, and 
comprehending the encircling world of commerce. A cen- 
tury earlier these protesting Puritans had been shut within 
themselves, indulging their freedom of conscience in petty 
struggles of common life, or in speculations on a future 
life and world beyond. In the atmosphere of the eight- 
eenth century, the descendants of these idealists went 



1757] Eighteenth Century Brings Larger Citizens 253 

abroad and, expanding in a wider existence, became large 
men for the time. 

John Brown especially could enjoy at nineteen a 
tavern-punch or a Prudence Island frolic with vikings 
like the Hopkins' sailors or Abraham Whipple. But 
his leisure never wasted, was at times and at evening em- 
ployed in writing up accounts and regulating business for 
these fellows and companions. At twenty-one he was 
fitted for mercantile travel by land or sea, taking a vessel 
to Philadelphia, converting her cargo, riding home on his 
newly bought horse ; a merchant finished and accomplished 
in the ready school of experience. Ultimately as large in 
body as in mind — for he filled the wide seat of a common 
chaise — he was the most sagacious and enterprising citi- 
zen of the growing community of Providence. 

As we turn into the middle decade of the century, we 
find great increase of comfort in the households. Besides 
the merchants, traders and mariners, commerce had created 
artisans and workmen, who worked the still-houses, coop- 
ered the casks and ministered to the personal wants of 
the new population. Many of these owned houses and 
eked out the living of the family on the homestead. 

As an example of the man of moderate affairs, we have 
the inventory of Peter Thacher, 97 owner of ^ Sloop Dol- 
phin, worth £350. He had a small stock of dry goods 
and a personal estate of £1121.12.4. His household goods 
included 15 teacups at £5.10., a box and 2 drinking 
glasses at 10s., a comb and tobacco pouch at 12s., a silver 
watch at £30. We seldom get the detailed prices of a 
wardrobe. Let us quote, 1 frock coat £1.10., 2 jackets, 
1 coat £3., 1 great coat £2., a fustian waistcoat £2., a 
black suit of clothes £11., two old " wiggs " £2.5. 
Leather breeches and cape coat £8., ticket No. 2939 in 

" MSS. Probate Rec, Vol. IV., p. 287. 



254 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

Pemberton's Lottery. He wore shoe and knee buckles. 
His fancy was not wholly engrossed by voyages of the 
Dolphin or chances in a lottery, for he played on a flute 
worth 10s., read " Poems on general occations " at 15s. 
Ovid's epistles at 15s., and two Spectators at 10s. 

William Dyer, of the historic name, had books at £25. 
and wearing apparel at £110., with sword and spurs at 
£70. Silver tankards begin to appear, and Dyer's, with 
the spoons, cups, etc., was worth £355. A warming pan 
and " Chamber Utincels " stood at £12. A negro woman 
and girl were valued at £600. The personal estate was 
£2081. 

We may compare Captain William Tillinghast's man- 
ner of living with these, though his estate, £4290.3.8., 
was somewhat larger. His wearing apparel at £180. 
was reinforced by a pair of gold buttons at £12. " Sun- 
dry silver vessels " were valued at £356. Glass and China 
ware " in ye Boaufat " stood at £33. The table linen 
was £36.16., glass and earthen ware was £9. Pewter 
was £36- ; tin ware £1. Iron ware £6., wooden ware £2., 
three brass kettles £14., two bell metal skillets £8. Knives 
and forks £2., old brass Chafing dish and kettle £2.10., one 
looking glass £25., and three were appraised together at 
£85. The clock and case were £200. One box iron 
heaters, two flats and a bread toaster were £5. These 
useful heaters were becoming common ; likewise cradles, 
and the Captain's with the bedding was worth £5. The 
negro man stood at £500., and the girl at £350. His 
sea chest, "quadrant book" and spy glass amounted to 
£20. 

Wigs were common as well as knee buckles, while buckles 
for shoes seemed to be indispensable. The buckles were 
generally of pewter, often of silver and rarely of gold. 
They were more common than silver spoons. There was 



1757] Living in Large and Small Estates 25*5 

no positive custom assigning the quality of the buckle to 
one's condition in life. A farmer, modest in other things, 
had a gold buckle. John Whipple, a shoemaker, with 
an estate of £1132.9., had " plate buttons and buckles " 
at £12. An estate of £183.9., with wearing apparel at 
£50., pewter ware at £14.4., had one pair shoe buckles at 
£10., one pair knee buckles at £6. 

Hezekiah Smith, a farmer, with ten cows at £26. each, 
forty sheep at £2.10. each, in the good personal estate 
of £6600.3.6., was extravagant in his way of living. His 
wearing apparel at £200. was of the most expensive, and 
his watch and cane were £62. The value of 20 silver 
spoons was £77., and he had a silver cup. There were 
wheels, combs and cards with yarn at the weaver's. 

In 1754, 98 living under different conditions, was George 
Dunbar, of Bristol. He had much real property and 
£2261.17.2. in personal. With his wearing apparel at 
£150.5. he wore two gold rings at £8.4. Silver weighing 
111 oz. 1 pwt. stood at £355.7.2. The library included 
76 folios, quartos and octavos with 26 pamphlets, worth 
£85.10. A dressing box was 35s., and a turkey leather 
trunk was 15s. A shoe brush was recorded for the first 
time. Two diaper table cloths were £13. and two dozen 
napkins £2. In furniture there were 9 tables, large and 
small, at £59., with 28 chairs of all sizes at £42.10. and 
18 pictures at £85.5., one looking glass at £30. Dutch 
tiles were to be much used in the coming half-century, and 
Mr. Dunbar had 1 dozen and 19 at £3.3. Clock £90. 
Snuff was plentiful beyond measure ; a chalk and snuff 
mill at 5s., the stock in 7 bottles at £7., and for ready 
reference 5 boxes at 10s. 

The table service was comfortable, but not excessive ; 
11 saucers and 6 cups at £4., 8 china plates at £6. and 

as MSS. Probate Rec, Prov., Vol. V., p. 13. 



256 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

two china flower pots at 30s., the first mentioned. A pew- 
ter platter and 6 plates were £5.2. In glass were three 
decanters at £2.5., two cruets at 10s., two large beakers 
at '30s., a sugar dish and two glasses at 10s. A teapot 
was 40s., another with cup was 6s., a creampot and mug 
10s., a mustard pot and salt cellar 10s., a sugar pot and 
jug 10s., an earthen platter 20s., an earthen cistern 5s. 
Tin ware was largely represented at £45., and the bell 
metal skillet at £5. was a favorite article in many house- 
holds. A brass skimmer and chafing dish stood at 40s., 
five candlesticks at £9.10., and the snuffers and dish at 
25s. A dark lanthorn was 20s. and 118 lbs. " coco " 
£42.8. Not readily comprehended now was a " pot con- 
zino Roses " at 30s. 

He bequeathed to his wife, Sarah Dunbar, directly for 
her life, one-third part of his lands and houses in Bristol, 
together with all the household goods " she brought me." 
It is likely these personal articles were not inventoried, 
and the fact accounts for the above fragmentary list of 
furnishings. 

The wills of this period generally assigned the body to 
the earth, trusting that it would be returned to the testa- 
tor at the resurrection, through the " almighty power of 
God." Mr. Dunbar asserted the same faith in rather less 
material form. He was " expecting through the merits 
of my saviour Jesus Christ a Joyful Resurrection." 

In contrast with this comfortable estate and circum- 
stance, we may note the belongings of a poor man ; which, 
show how close to the bone he lived. John Road " was 
a laborer and wood-chopper, with a personal estate of 
£100.6. He wore clothing of the value of £4. and slept 
on bed and bedding worth only £5. His vocation appears 
in "awls, beetle rings, etc.," at £2.15. in a "raiser" (a 

03MSS. Probate Rec„ Prov., Vol. V., p. 10. 



1757] Glass Ware Becomes Common 257 

forester's implement probably) at £3.16. His avocations 
are indicated in two pairs woolen cards at £2., in a 
scythe and tackling at £1. He might have worked about, 
living with his employers ; as he owned a pig at £5., with 
a cow and hay at £30., it would appear that he owned 
or hired a small homestead. 

We have three widows signing with the -(-. Prizilah 
Westcot left a small farming outfit, and her wardrobe 
amounted to £70. Elizabeth E. Arnold was better off in 
1756, with a personal estate of £808.9.11. Her wearing 
apparel was £142., and ten small beaker glasses stood at 
£2. The beaker glass, which came in a decade or two 
earlier, was then specified as " large." Glass was being 
used much more frequently, especially for drinking vessels. 
Hannah H. Smith was the third relict making her mark. 

Bethiath Sprague, a widow, had in personal property 
£615.17.11., and she expended £103.7. in her wardrobe. 
Now the record gives for the first time a silver chain for 
" siszors " at £4. A silver girdle and buckle with one pair 
silver sleeve buttons at £2., one silver spoon at £5., Bible 
at £1.10. Eight Napkins at £5.10., one table cloth at 
£1.10. Mrs. Sprague had the unusual ornament of a 
string of small amber beads at 15s. There was the usual 
pewter ware, worth £2., including a chamber pot. The 
inevitable joynt stool stood at 15s. ; in another instance 
one was valued at £5. Mary Dexter, widow's condition 
was essentially similar; estate £522., wearing apparel 
£90., two books £5., two silver spoons £11., two knives 
and forks 4s. She wore a gold ring at £9.3. Her warm- 
ing pan was worth £3., as compared with £6. for Mr. Dun- 
bar's. These two inventories indicate, as has been ob- 
served, that silver spoons were still a luxury. In another 
instance one gold necklace and two gold rings were 
valued at £27.17.6. 



258 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

Widow Mercy Tillinghast again had an estate of 
£733.8., with wearing apparel at £105.10., and one small 
pair gold buttons at £3. Her books were £12. and silver 
ware £79.12., table linen £21. Almost all the estates 
were amply equipped with feather beds. Two looking 
glasses and 16 small pictures stood at £16., the china 
and glass ware " in Beaufait " £26., pewter and tin 
ware £35. The prevalence of small pictures may be noted. 

This beaufait, bo-fat or buffet came into frequent use 
in the latter eighteenth century. The cupboard, gener- 
ally built into the wainscoting of a corner, was hand- 
somely filled with china and the superior wares. In the 
better houses, the structure was ornamental in design, 
standing open or protected by glass or wooden doors. 

In 1754 we have John Mawney 101 with a personal 
estate of £9050.7.8., including a large amount of notes 
and bonds. There was a small farming or village outfit, 
1 pair of oxen, 1 cow, 1 horse, a negro man at £500., a 
woman at £300. ; but nothing indicating active business 
or trading operations. His condition appeared to be that 
of wealth or affluence. Certainly his wearing apparel at 
£333., with watch, cane and whip at £50., was profuse 
enough ; and he wore a gold stock buckle. Silver plate 
was amply represented, 1 silver tankard, 1 do. teapot, 2 
large " canns," 13 large spoons, 1 silver . . .,12 
tea spoons, 7 porringers, 1 sugar dish and cover, 2 pepper 
boxes, 1 cream pot, 2 salts, 1 pair tea tongs, 1 small 
bowl, 1 small spoon strainer, altogether weighing 214 oz. 
9 dwt. at 85, making a value of £911.8.3. Here we per- 
ceive a great advance in luxurious living in a half-century. 

One coffee mill and a three-legged copper coffee pot 
stood at £8. The first tea cannister on record was worth 
£4. In China, 6 plates, 2 small dishes and 4 punch bowls 
ioi MSS. Probate Rec, Prov., Vol. V., p. 30. 



1757] Common White Crockery Introduced 259 

were appraised at £12., 6 " Burnt China " cups and 
saucers at £5. Again 12 cups and saucers were £5.9. 

I dozen plates £9., 2 large and 1 small bowl £10. In 
pewter the large quantity of 86 lbs. 12 oz. at £51.12. 
In tin and earthen ware £6. 

All these dishes interest us in the development of the 
household, but for our present purpose the most impor- 
tant crockery is the two " white stone " tea pots, strainer 
and mustard pot at £1.10. This is about the first men- 
tion of this ware, which was manufactured in Engand 
before 1750. A little later the production was to be 
stimulated and immensely increased by the discovery of 
" China stone " clay in Cornwall. This common pottery 
was to supersede pewter ware, and become the universal 
table and chamber service of the American people. 

The furniture was of the best then prevailing; a 
mahogany desk £40., a small scritore £3., a looking glass, 
walnut framed and gilt, £45., a large black-framed glass 
at £40., a glass at £30., another at £12. Art did not 
interest the comfortable Mr. Mawney visibly, for he had 
only 4 small pictures at £2. and no books. In chairs 
there were new departures ; in the first mention of leather 
bottoms, 12 examples at £40., again with flag bottoms, 

II examples at £5.10. In a chamber set were 7 maple 
crooked backed chairs at £18. Tables were not remark- 
able, one black walnut folding at £12., one mahogany 
oval do. at £6. The negro servants were of the aristo- 
cratic sort, for their cradles and bedding were valued at 
£10. 

In 1755 102 we are made grateful to Nicholas Tilling- 
hast, council clerk, for the first legible and elegant hand- 
writing. A great boon to posterity was the deft hand of 
Nicholas. While the wealthy inventories above represent 

102 MSS. Probate Rec, Prov., Vol. V., p. 71. 



260 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

the expensive livers of the mid-century, we may study 
David Vanderlight's for traces of the best culture of that 
day. There were not many college graduates in the 
plantation ; Dr. Bowen represented Yale and Dr. Robert 
Gibbs Harvard. Even these accomplished physicians pre- 
scribed some unmerciful remedies, including the Bezoar 
stone. Mr. Vanderlight was graduated from the Uni- 
versity of Leyden, and thoroughly bred in his profession 
of apothecary and chemist. He married the sister of the 
four brothers Brown, and taught in their factory the 
Dutch process of separating oil and spermaceti. This 
change instituted a great industry for making candles. 

The Vanderlight personal estate was £4375.14.4. ; in- 
cluding £200. in wearing apparel, £10. in shoes and boots 
and £30. in silver buckles, clasps, gold ring and silver 
money, with £1. in three seals and black buttons. Pro- 
fessional decorum was amply supported by " wiggs " in 
a box at £12. Plates, basins, dishes, porringers in pew- 
ter probably stood at £80. There was £57.8. in 7 silver 
spoons and £15. in 8 silver tea spoons and tea tongs. A 
hard metal teapot was £2.15. He had a fair amount of 
China and glass, with white " stone ware " at £2., as 
above mentioned. 103 In 18 pictures with black frames 
was £4.10., in sundry books £20. in Dutch books £7., in 
a violin and flute £5. Altogether a sensible outfit whether 
Dutch or colonial English. 

Books were few in number, as a rule. Shadrach Man- 
ton had 40 bound volumes and some in paper valued at 
£35. Richard Waterman had the value of £26. Silver 
watches were becoming common, say at £25., £50. and 
£80. It was pathetic that the first exporter and explorer 
in the London market, Edward Kinnicut, afterward died 
there. His personal estate was valued in Providence in 
103 " Delph ware " is first mentioned in 1755. 



1757] Wigs Use " Some Christian Hair " 261 

1755 104 at £15,033.1.2., including a stock of dry goods. 
Of this £45.6., a sterling value, was advanced 1700 per 
cent, to meet the wretched depreciation of our paper 
money. 

Andrew Frank, a " negro man," showed a comfortable 
way of living with personal estate at £229.0.6. He was 
forehanded, possessing a note of hand worth £60. His 
modest wearing apparel was £20., and we may presume he 
read his " old bible," which was valued at £2.10. In hay 
he had 2400 lbs. at £17., to keep 1 cow and 2 calves. The 
most curious item is " 1 gun pressed for the war and 
went " 105 £16. The bounty for said gun was £5. He had 
an hour glass at 10s. 

Joseph Kelton, " cordwainer's," condition shows that 
the artisan's occupation was no barrier to a good marriage 
connection. In wearing apparel was £197.12., a silver 
pepper box, 16 silver jacket buttons, 1 pair shoe, 1 pair 
knee buckles, 1 neck buckle (the first mentioned) were all 
valued at £453.17.6. 19 Brass coat, 4 breeches buttons 
at £12. ; 13 catgut eyes do. at 10s. A shoemaker's bench 
and tools at £6.10. " Some Christian Hair " at £1. would 
indicate that the hair used in wigs so frequently did not 
go into this category. This personal estate, £343.19.6., 
was his own before marriage. His wife brought him 
£3163.3.10., including 4 feather beds and furniture at 
£678.8., one pair table coverlids at £10.10. There was 
plenty of gilt china and punch bowls ; with " flint " wine 
glasses at 30s., the first mentioned. 

The use of titles at this time was persistent and quite 
confusing. Mr. Kelton, " cordwainer," was living above 
the average condition of the community. Edward Kinni- 
cut was denominated Esquire; Samuel Winsor in 1758 

iciProb. Rec, Vol. V., p. 57. 
los ibid., Vol. V, p. 114. 



262 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

was the first recorded Elder; in 1759 we have a Merchant 
Taylor; the term mariner was often used; in 1760 we 
have Merchant simply, and Husbandman. But the fullest 
record embodying the serious ideas of the community in 
this respect occurs in 1756 106 when the commission for 
probating wills and making administrators on intestate 
estates was appointed. This was an important public 
function and the intention was to record each participant 
under his proper designation. We have accordingly 
George Brown, Esguire, Jonathan Olney, Gentleman, 
Barzillai Richmond, Gentleman, and Isaiah Hawkings, 
Yeoman, all of Providence. They appointed an adminis- 
trator for " Mr. Robert Avery, Merchant," who died at 
sea, intestate. 

In 1757 Captain Thomas Manchester's inventory af- 
fords some interesting information. He had much fur- 
niture of mahogany and 16 " Banister Back " chairs at 
£80., the first mentioned. This was an important article 
in colonial living. Upright banisters often fluted with 
curved arm-rests made a comfortable and not too easy 
seat. The slat-back used also, was more simple in form 
and finish. Here were the first blue and white earthen 
plates, twelve at £4.. and five finer do. at £2. A white 
counterpane at £15. The feminine element appears in 
a gold necklace, a locket, and gold ring, altogether worth 
£50. Insurance was written for £1400. on the sloop 
Providence, and the total personal property was £4089. 
13.6. 

In 1758 the sloop Sally and her appurtenances were 
valued at £3000. In the following year one-half of the 
sloop " Daulfin " was sold for £1800. 

If they had the means, they lived well, whatever their 
occupation. A farmer in 1759, with £2692.11.8. in per- 

loe Prob. Rec, Vol. V., p. 144. 



1762] Obadiah Brown's Inventory 263 

sonal estate, had 50 oz. of plate at £6.13.4., or a value of 
£333.6.8. 

Obadiah Brown, descended from Chad, an early settler, 
died in 1762, leaving real property and the large personal 
estate of £93,220.16.1. Old Tenor. 107 His way of living 
was easy, but moderate. Two large looking glasses at 
£265. went beyond those of his neighbors. Beds and 
bedding were ample, with four blankets at £60. and two 
at £40. We have 12 white stone plates at £10., 6 china 
cups at £7. (a small outfit), two large Delph bowls and 
four beaker glasses at £6. Among the first recorded 
earthen teapots are two at £2.10., and the first " stone 
chamberpott " at £1.10. There was the usual pewter, tin 
and wooden ware, with ten iron candlesticks and four brass 
at £17. The negro woman Eve and the girl Peggy at 
£1400., served in the house. His library was business- 
like, rather than literary, consisting of Gordon's Geo- 
graphical Grammar at £8. and Brown's Estimate at £1. 
A large stock of goods in almost every variety met the 
wants of his customers at retail. He owned five negroes, 
two at £1000. each, one at £1050., one £1100. and one at 
£1250. 

Mr. Brown succeeded to the joint business conducted 
with his brother James, and brought up his nephews, the 
four brothers, in the best mercantile ways of the time. 
In a distillery and in the manufacture of oil and candles, 
assisted by Dr. Vanderlight, he obtained merchandise for 
exchange with Philadelphia and other domestic ports. 
This interchanging commerce became more and more im- 
portant and increased largely. Beginning as a captain 
in the West Indian trade, on shore he continued in com- 
merce with those seas, becoming the largest merchant of 
Providence. 

107 Prob. Rec, Vol. V., p. 312. 



264 The Commercial Growth of Providence 

In contrast ito the opulent merchant was " Manna 
Burnon " — Gabriel Bernon's freedman — the first caterer 
and signing with a -f~- He left wearing apparel worth 
£100. and £36. in pewter ware. Twenty-three drinking 
glasses afforded supply for his thirsty customers. 

The Peace of Paris brought to an end the Seven Years' 
War, and it had been a most important period for the 
colonies. Rhode Island in particular — bad as was her 
financial management — was impelled by a great patriotic 
purpose in issuing her paper money. Larger ideas of 
government were fostered by such enforced experience. 
Trained by the sacrifices of war, by the severity of camp 
life, and in the ways of new taxation at home, the plant- 
ers were coming to be citizens. The time was fast 
approaching when Englishmen migrated across the seas 
would assume new relations toward the home government, 
for the British administration could not learn that they 
were dealing with brothers and not with aliens. 

Business in Rhode Island had profited largely through 
the war. Smuggling was greatly stimulated, and privat- 
eering increased commerce through the inevitable trade 
it brought to our ports. A natural reaction followed the 
peace, but business soon adapted itself to the new condi- 
tions. 



CHAPTER VIII 

NEWPORT IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 

1700-1776 

AT the opening of the eighteenth century, the world 
was growing weary of war. The brutal rule of 
Spain had been overcome and the aggressive ambition of 
Louis XIV. was checked by the diplomatic skill of William 
of Orange; while the increasing sea-power of Great 
Britain was beginning to balance the continent. 

The divine mission of Grotius in the previous century 
was bearing fruit, and, though France and England con- 
tended here and there, these struggles were not wars of 
extermination. Forces other than warlike were getting 
exercise and practice, and where was the opportunity bet- 
ter than in a new world, in Aquidneck, the isle of peace 
by the sea? Where did the new forms of civilization 
assert themselves better and in a more graceful form? 

New England was just passing out of the ebb. The 
later seventeenth century had not developed citizens equal 
to the pioneers who had led the way, but stronger men 
were coming. In the eighties there was a marked in- 
crease of commerce, of which a large share came to New- 
port. With commerce came the opportunity for that 
expansion which the conditions of the place greatly 
favored. In his Century Sermon of 1738, Callender cited 
Neale in the statement " this is deservedly esteemed the 
Paradise of New England for the fruitfulness of the soil 
and the temperateness of the climate." Enthusiasts for 
this landscape and climate have magnified and illumined 
their theme, with every resource of rhetoric, as time has 

2S5 



266 Newport in the Eighteenth Century 

gone on. " It appeals to one's alertness rather than to 
a lazy receptivity. You miss its quality entirely if your 
faculties are not in a state of real activity. This does 
not exclude composure or imply excitement." 

In winter, there might be difference of opinion. Mr. 
George Bradford, a true lover of nature, told me there 
was all the capricous, beguiling promise of the New Eng- 
land spring with double disappointments in effect. Yet 
a fine day can tempt a zealot in tins wise. " The lotos- 
eating season is over, plainly, yet there is the same agree- 
able absence of demand on any specific energies as in 
summer. The envelope of color — that delightful garment 
that Newport never puts off — is as evident to the senses 
as in midsummer, though more silvery in quality." Rich- 
ard Greenough claimed it to be the American Venice, 
according to Dr. Hale. 

Newport furnished the colony with one of its best gov- 
ernors, Samuel Cranston, an officer who would have been 
eminent in any country. Chosen in 1698 and at thirty 
successive elections, he was probably longer in office than 
any man ever subjected to an annual popular election. 
It was a season of severe trial, when the colony was 
exploring unknown paths of government and the executive 
head was sorely tested. His just views and inflexible 
firmness kept his constituency well in hand and gave him 
deserved popularity. In the paper money vexation, he 
acted as best he could. Toward the opposing religious 
sects he was judicial. He did not join or attend meeting 
with any sect, being in the words of Dr. Turner * a " Keep- 
at-home Protestant, an impartial and good man." In 
his administration the colony was threatened at home 
and abroad; he assured and protected the public weal. 

In 1708, as he reported to the Board of Trade, the 
i Two Governors Cranston, p. 50. 



1729] Dean Berkeley's Coming 267 

commerce of Newport was growing, and after the Peace 
of Utrecht in 1713 it increased rapidly. " The metropo- 
lis of the government " then had a population of 2203, 
about half as many again as the town of Providence. 

Conscious enlargement and the spirit of growth records 
itself in 1712, when John Mumford was ordered to sur- 
vey the streets and number them. " The town had grown 
to be the admiration of all and was the metropolitan," 
said the fond record. 2 For the first three decades the 
expanding community was being prepared for the event 
which was greatly to affect it, and to influence all New 
England. Rev. George Berkeley, Dean of Derry, had 
put forth his " Principles of Human Knowledge " in 1710. 
Flippant writers in these two centuries have laughed at 
the transcendent principles of Berkeley, but those laugh 
best who laugh last. The Dean only held firmly that 
the " universally acknowledged ultimate cause cannot be 
the empty abstraction called Matter. There must be living 
mind at the root of things. Mind must be the very sub- 
stance and consistence and cause of whatever is. In rec- 
ognizing this wondrous principle, life is simplified to 
man." 3 Certainly the world of Knowledge has moved 
toward rather than away from the philosopher, since this 
was written. Here was the creative and impelling idea 
needed to lift commercial and material Newport out of 
pioneer life, and into communion with an older civiliza- 
tion and a more refined culture. 

Berkeley, on his way to found a college at Bermuda, 
landed at Newport, January 23, 1729, by accident or 
design, as is disputed, and remained there about three 
years. Rev. James Honyman was preaching in Trinity 
church, founded at the beginning of the century, when 

2 Rhode Island Historical Magazine, Vol. VI., p. 216. 
s Life and Letters of Berkeley, p. 41. 



268 Newport in the Eighteenth Century 

the letter from Dean Berkeley, proposing to land, was 
received. He read it to the congregation, dismissing them 
with a blessing. The pastor and flock repaired to the 
wharf in time for the landfall. In this dramatic man- 
ner, the ideas of the old world were received into the new. 

The philosopher confirms all our reports of the beauty 
and extraordinary, progressive character of the place, 
with its 6000 inhabitants. " The most thriving, flourish- 
ing place in all America for its bigness." 4 We shall note 
the sectaries, who " agreed in a rage for finery, the men 
in flaming scarlet coats and waistcoats, laced and fringed 
with brightest glaring yellow. The sly Quakers, not 
venturing on these charming coats and waistcoats, yet 
loving finery, figured away with plate on their side- 
boards." 5 

Graduates from Harvard College were frequent, with 
an occasional native who had been educated at an English 
university. The girls were often sent to Boston for their 
schooling. 

Dissenters naturally attracted the notice of this good- 
humored ecclesiast. " The inhabitants are of a mixed 
kind, consisting of many sorts and subdivisions of sects. 
Here are four sorts of Anabaptists, besides Presbyterians, 
Quakers, Independents, and many of no profession at all. 
Notwithstanding so many differences, here are fewer quar- 
rels about religion than elsewhere, the people living peace- 
ably with their neighbours of whatever profession. They 
all agree in one point, that the Church of England is 
second best." 6 

This accommodating spirit noted by the Dean was 

enforced in most piquant manner by Captain William 

4 Life and Letters of Berkeley, p. 160. 
Glbid., p. 157. 
*Ibid., p. 160. 




z 



Z 



g c 

J l-H 

E c 



1729] Wanton's Religious Compromise 269 

Wanton, a Quaker and a son of a preacher. He courted 
Ruth Bryant, the beautiful daughter of a Presbyterian 
deacon in Scituate, Mass., who would not hear of such 
laxity in marriage, but the ardent groom solved the diffi- 
culty. " Ruth, I am sure we were made for each other ; 
let us break away from this unreasonable bondage. I 
will give up my religion and thou shalt give up thine and 
we will go to the Church of England and the devil to- 
gether." 7 

Lodowick Updike gives his boyish impression of the 
liberal Dean in Trinity pulpit. " All sects rushed to hear 
him; even the Quakers, with their broad-brimmed hats, 
came and stood in the aisles. 8 In one of his sermons he 
very emphatically said, ' give the devil his due, John Cal- 
vin was a great man.' " 9 

Rev. James MacSparran, settled at St. Paul's Church in 
Narragansett in 1721, was not as tolerant toward the 
" pestilent heresy " of the Quakers. He stated that there 
was no established religion, " but the Quakers are, for the 
most part, the people in power." 10 George Fox came in 
1672, on his powerful mission. William Penn said of him 
that he was " civil beyond all forms of breeding." His 
influence, working on the radical settlers of- the Island 
and their descendants, must have had gracious effect. 
Historians and critics rooted in the established order of 
the sixteenth and following centuries, when judging dis- 
sent, can only see jangling differences ; for they are blindly 

7 Annals of Trinity Church, p. 52n. 

8 " In 1700, one-half the inhabitants were Quakers." Annals Trin- 
ity Church, p. 10. Roger Williams affected the Island settlement 
indirectly. He differed in doctrine from the Friends; while on the 
other hand, the system of laws established by Coddington and Clarke 
was adopted by the whole colony and enabled Providence to main- 
tain a cohesive government. 

9 Updike, Narragansett Church, p. 120. 
io Ibid., p. 510. 



270 Newport in the Eighteenth Century 

unconscious of the indestructible elements of beauty, grow- 
ing out of freedom from arbitrary control in religious and 
social matters. Good Dean Berkeley cited four varieties 
of Anabaptists among his new friends and neighbors. 
Anabaptism simply meant the worst form of anarchy to 
an ordinary Catholic or Calvinist of the differing centuries. 
Yet the conservative Erasmus could term them " a people 
against whom there is very little to be said." In some 
cases, goaded by severe laws, they were wild and fanatical, 
but were in general mystically sincere and pious. They 
were not necessarily historical Baptists, though the rite 
of baptism usually distinguished them. 

In the great social influences forming the Newport of 
mid-eighteenth century, the Literary and Philosophical 
Society with the Redwood Library were powerful fac- 
tors. The first institution was formed in 1730 ; some 
claiming that it was originated by Berkeley. Mr. Mason, 
a competent and sympathetic authority, says it " owed 
something of its influence to him we may readily admit ; 
but when he came to Newport, intellectually, he found it 
no barren wilderness." 1X The people were chosen and 
elect, whether we consider Coddington, John Clarke and 
the disciples of Anne Hutchinson, or the friends of Roger 
Williams, or the converts of George Fox, or the enter- 
prising spirits gathered into " the most thriving place in 
all America." The Quaker Wanton and the high Puri- 
tan Ruth Bryant molded into genial Episcopalians were 
fair examples of this annealing culture. 

They had books already, as will be shown later, and 
representatives of all the sects, Jacob the Quaker scien- 
tist ; Collins and Ward, Seventh Day Sabbatarians ; Cal- 
lender, a Baptist ; Learning, a Congregationalist ; the 
Episcopal Honyman and others banded together. There 

11 Annals Redwood Library, p. 2. 



1730] Philosophical Society 271 

was an elaborate set of rules, with forfeits and fines for 
all sorts of neglect and misfeasance, as was common then; 
some showing the earnest spirit of life prevailing. _ _ 

The Society was to consider " some useful question in 
Divinity, Morality, Philosophy, History, etc.," but "noth- 
ing shall ever be proposed or debated which is a distin- 
guishing religious tenet of any one member. . . . 
Whoever shall make it an excuse to avoid giving his 
opinion, that he has not thought of the question, or has 
forgot what the question is, shall forfeit one shilling. 
Whoever is unprovided of a proper question, on his turn 
to propound one, shall forfeit one shilling." 12 

The first " authentic paper " is dated 1735, though 
there must have been earlier examples. The Society was 
conducted vigorously and continued until about 1747 and 
had some occasional members, among whom was Stephen 
Hopkins, of Providence. Rev. Dr. Samuel Johnson, an- 
other participant, lived at Stratford, Conn. He was an 
ardent disciple of Berkeley, visiting him soon after his 
arrival As he was invited to the rectorate of Trinity m 
1750, it shows the permanence of Berkeley's influence in 
the colony. Afterwards he was president of King s Col- 
lege, New York. . 

Newport was a favorite destination for Scotch immi- 
grants, and accordingly their influence was strong m the 
community. We get an inkling of the relative importance 
of the port from this statement of Dr. Waterhouse: Be- 
tween the years 1746 and 1750 there came over from 
Great Britain to the English colonies a number of Scotch 
o-entlemen. Some settled in Philadelphia, some m New 
York, but the greater part sat down in that pleasant and 
healthy spot, Rhode Island." 3 
12 Annals Redwood Library, p. 14. 
is Ibid., p. 28. 



272 Newport in the Eighteenth Century 

Edward Scott, 14 the grand-uncle of Sir Walter, was for 
more than twenty years master of the grammar and classi- 
cal school. He was an active member of the Philosoph- 
ical Society and librarian of the Redwood. 

There had been collections of books all through the 
century. Regulations of the Library of Trinity Church 
were recorded in 1709. Some of those volumes exist in 
fair preservation, stamped in gold letters " Belonging to 
y e Library in Rhode Island." 15 Bequests down to 1733 
show small collections of good books. John Clarke in 
1676 left a Concordance and Lexicon written by himself, 
also a Hebrew Bible. Benedict Arnold in 1733 left, be- 
sides Quaker books, Milton, Quarles, Fuller and Plutarch. 
In 1747, the Redwood Library was engrafted on the stock 
of the Philosophical Society. Abraham Redwood, a 
wealthy merchant and liberal Friend, gave £500. Henry 
Collins, a Seventh Day Baptist, furnished the land on 
which the Library stands. Born in 1699, he was a prod- 
uct and a maker of the culture we are studying. Doctor 
Benjamin Waterhouse, a close friend of Gilbert Stuart, — 
himself a graduate of the University of Leyden, finally 
professor of Medicine in Harvard College — called Collins 
the Lorenzo de Medici of Rhode Island. Hon. William 
Hunter said of him, " He loved literature and the fine arts ; 
had the sense of the beautiful in nature conjoined with the 
impulse to see it imitated and surpassed by art ; he was a 
merchant, enterprising, opulent and liberal. Smibert was 
the father of true painting in this country. 
Collins was fortunate enough to engage his earliest labors 

. . his own portrait, Clap, Callender, above all Ber- 
keley himself. " 16 

i* Annals Trinity Church, p. 55. 
is Ibid., p. 19. 
is Ibid., p. 27. 



1750] Book of the Time 273 

The list of books 17 ordered from London is interesting, 
and we may glance at a name here and there, for we have 
the spirit of the time in black letter. There were 114 
titles in folio. Barclay and Penn, Barrow, Burnet's Ref- 
ormation, a general dictionary of ten vols., Grotius, 
Wood's Laws of England, Sir William Temple. In quarto 
73 titles, include dictionaries, Cudworth, Eusebius, 
Fluxions, Boyle, Bacon, and Rowe on Wheel Carriages. 
The octaA'os cover 95 standard classics, with an occasional 
Erasmus, Puffendorf or Johnson. History took 73 titles, 
Divinity and Morality 48, which varied from Sherlock, 
Butler, Warbuton to Mrs. Rowe's " Friendship in 
Death " or " Young Gentleman and Lady Instructed." 
Forty titles were in Physick, 24 in Law, 54 in Natural 
History, Mathematics, etc., 55 in Arts, Liberal and Me- 
chanical, "37 in Miscellanies, Politics, etc. In duodecimo, 
there were 135 examples of very good general reading, as 
we should phrase it. 

These names embody the books they desired ; perhaps 
we should scan more closely those given by several gentle- 
men ; for the volumes are such as they had. In folio 28 
titles show Baxter, Beaumont, Fletcher, Chaucer, Herod- 
otus, Homer, Justin Martyr, the Rambler, Spenser. In 
22 quarto, 54 octavo were Descartes, Middleton, Addison, 
Bolingbroke, Calvin's Institute in Latin, Douglass' Sum- 
mary from the author, Gentleman's Magazine for two 
years, twelve magazines from Philadelphia, Grey, Young's 
Night Thoughts, Roderick Random, Pope, Erasmus. 

In a thriving and progressive community, accidents as 
well as incident, contribute to the vital increase. As the 
Scotch " Forty-five " sent out emigrating rebels to give 
needed strength to the new world, so the earthquake at 
Lisbon in 1755 sent more than sixty families of accom- 

" Annals Redwood Library, p. 494. 



274 Newport in the Eighteenth Century 

plished Jews 18 who were generally wealthy merchants, 
attracted by liberal government and commercial oppor- 
tunity, to our little isle by the sea. 

The Jew first embodied and represented in an individual 
the creative power of industry, flippantly characterized 
as the " Almighty Dollar." It is a fructifying idol, not 
almighty indeed, but powerful to enlist man with man, 
and to hold him subjected — not to a greater and sovereign 
man — but to citizen and people embodied in the State. 
Feudalism had been tested and found wanting, as it has 
been recently outgrown in Japan. Greater than the uni- 
versal imperial power of Egypt and Assyria, greater even 
than Rome, was the economic force of industry ; pledged 
to the State as a whole, but returning to each man in his 
own pocket, a universal tribute of mankind to man — the 
dollar. The philosophy of the eighteenth century, bap- 
tized in the blood and sacrifice of French feudal privilege, 
was necessary to garner in and bestow on each peasant or 
householder, this new tax, toll, impost and assessment of 
society, payable to its least and lowest member. 

Meanwhile, England was so far ahead of its compeers 
in modern development that it had cut off the head of a 
king in the seventeenth century, by way of showing privi- 
lege and blind despotism, what was meant by the awaken- 
ing of the human mind. All this is frequently treated as 
being absolutely involved in constitutional government, 
expanding suffrage and parliamentary representation. 
Truly, it is a part of these great categories of human 
progress, but it is even more part and portion of the 
larger social movement ; by which not only is government 
parceled out by King, Kaiser arid cabinet, by parliament, 
democratic party or aristocracy to render political rights 
fairly ; but also by which the economic dollar flowing out 

is Newport Historical Magazine, Vol. IV. p. 162. 



1750] Rise of the Dollar 275 

of capitalist's coffer or laborer's pocket can renovate and 
fructify the whole movement. 

By this extraordinary exercise of social force in the 
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the face of the world 
was rapidly changed, Napoleons being elevated, or in turn 
crushed, by the way. The greatest exponent, the largest 
interpreter of this universal social force, working through 
particular individuals, was the historic Jew. He was lit- 
tle comprehended then, he is not wholly understood to- 
day. Anyone can see that the new economic dispensation 
did not endow the feudal descendants of fabled Roland or 
historic Richard with new privilege; nor did it relegate 
to the robber dynasties of Napoleonic marshals the admin- 
istration of the new powers of society. It went to the 
Ghetto for new administrators, in the persons of shivering 
Shylocks and abject Isaacs of York. The scions and 
representatives of these new social financial administra- 
tors came out on the enlarged Rialto, the modern 
Bourse. 

I hinted in the beginning, rather than affirmed, that 
Newport was a wayside product of the whole social eight- 
eenth century. The Jew, with his enlarged intelligence 
and creative skill, went into an appreciative and responsive 
atmosphere. 

The " metropolitan " community, as it called itself in 
1712, had come to be an important mart. Dr. MacSpar- 
ran and Douglass substantially agreed in reporting the 
commerce of 1750 to 1760. Butter and cheese, grain, fat 
cattle, fine horses, pipe staves and lumber were among the 
exports, largely to the West Indies. The Narragansett 
pacers were famous, pacing " a mile in little more than 
two minutes, a good deal less than three," 19 according to 
the worthy parson. There were above 300 vessels of 
19 Updike, Narragansett Church, p. 514, 



276 Newport in the Eighteenth Century 

sixty tons and more, including coasters, in the export 
trade. In 1749, there were 160 clearances for foreign 
voyages. 20 In 1770, there were at least 200 vessels in 
foreign and 400 in the coasting trade, 21 the population 
having grown to 12,000. After 1707, trade in sugar, 
rum, and negroes grew rapidly. Sugar and molasses 
were distilled at Boston and more at Newport. The 
slaves were generally carried to the West Indies, some- 
times to Newport or Boston. Much capital from Boston 
assisted in the business at Newport. 22 Privateering in 
the French and Spanish wars was a stimulating element 
in commerce. Wantons, Ellerys, Malbones, indeed almost 
all the names are represented in this warring commerce. 

Rev. James Honyman, 23 Scotchman and rector of 
Trinity from 1704 until 1750, was conciliatory in his min- 
istry, drawing hearers from all the surrounding country. 
Dr. MacSparran, Irishman of Narragansett, learned, 
acute, disputatious, was a keen sectarian, believing in 
anybody's establishment, if he could not have his own. He 
found in 1721 " a field full of briars and thorns." . . . 
" Here liberty of conscience is carried to an irreligious 
extreme." 24 

We get a wider outlook and more judicial report from 
Arthur Brown, son of a rector of Trinit} 7 . He lived in 
Newport until seventeen years old, then entered Trinity 
College, Dublin, becoming Senior Proctor and Professor 
of Greek. He wrote : 

" The innocence of the people made them capable of 
liberty. Murder and robbery were unknown. During 

20 Rhode Island Historical Magazine, Vol. VI., p. 310. 
2i Ibid., V. 7, p. 47. 

22 Weeden, Economic and Social History of New England, Vol. 
II, pp. 455-469. 

23 Annals Trinity Church, p. 94. 
2i Updike, pp. 511, 514. 



1762] True Liberty at Newport 277 

nine years at Newport from 1762 to 1771 25 (I speak of 
my own knowledge) only one person was executed, a 
notorious thief and house-breaker, one Sherman. . . . 
The multiplicity of secretaries (sic) and strange wildness 
of opinions, was disgusting to a reasonable mind, and 
produced as great a variety, though with no such perni- 
cious effect, as in the reign of Charles the First; upon the 
whole, however, there was more genuine religion, morality 
and piety diffused than in any country I have ever seen. 
. . . The state of literature in America was by no 
means contemptible." 26 

The refined culture of such a people must find expres- 
sion in art, though the century was not fruitful in the 
plastic arts. John Smibert, another Scotchman, is con- 
sidered to have been the first artist of note in America. 
He came to Newport with Dean Berkeley and painted 
many portraits there. Robert Feke, little known, but one 
of the best colonial artists, practiced there in the mid- 
century. Gilbert Stuart, the marvelous delineator of 
Washington, born in Narragansett, educated in Newport, 
was formed at the beginning by these collections of pic- 
tures. Cosmo Alexander, an artist of repute, spent two 
years in America, mostly on the island ; he taught Stuart 
and first took him to England. Washington Allston was 
fitted for college in Newport. Edward G. Malbone, born 
at Newport in the revolutionary time, was self-taught, and 
the atmosphere of the island-paradise lighted up his 
palette. Benjamin West said of his " Hours " that " no 
man in England could excel it." There is in the delicate 
lines of this bit of ivory a " dignity, character and expres- 
sion " 2T inspired by the whole ideal life I have attempted 

25 It will be remembered the population was 12,000. And we 
should compare the legal and criminal experience of England at 
the same period. 

26 Rhode Island Historical Magazine, Vol. VI., pp. 161, 168-171. 

27 Arnold. Art and Artists in Rhode Island, p. 9. 



278 Newport in the Eighteenth Century 

to set forth. We have in these words, the criticism of a 
sympathetic artist. I would note also a certain grace 
which is the refining excellence of beauty. 

The grace of culture may be rendered in a picture ; its 
strength and force must be represented by a man or men. 
Ezra Stiles, though not the outgrowth, was a collateral 
product of our island. Coincident with the Jewish immi- 
gration, he became minister of the Second Congregational 
Church in 1756, at twenty-nine years of age, influenced 
" partly by an agreeable town and the Redwood Library." 
He was Librarian during most of his twenty years' so- 
journ. Corresponding with European authors, he solic- 
ited books for the Redwood. His folio Homer is pre- 
served, fully annotated by him in the original Greek. He 
became President of Yale College, the natural precinct of 
Jonathan Edwards, 28 who had told the previous gener- 
ation that the " existence of all exterior things is ideal." 

Stiles formed Chancellor Kent, and Channing, inherit- 
ing his Newport teachings, said, " In my earliest years, I 
regarded no human being with equal reverence." If he 
had done no more than to affect seriously these two men, 
America would owe him a great debt. 

This happy community was fatally damaged by the 
Revolution, when its commerce fled to the safer port of 
Providence. Many of its citizens were loyalists, and the 
armies of both contestants trampled over the city. The 
society created by its peculiar culture was scattered, and 
the true " Paradise of New England " ceased to be. 

28 We should note the sympathy, correlative though not derived, 
between Edwards and Berkeley. " The soul in a sense, has its seat 
in the brain; so in a sense, the visible world is existent out of the 
mind; for it certainly in the proper sense, exists out of the 
brain. . . . Space is a necessary being, if it may be called a 
being; and yet we have also shown, that all existence is mental, that 
the existence of all exterior things is ideal." Cited from Edwards 
by Sereno E. Dwight. Life and Letters of Berkeley, p. 182. 



T 



CHAPTER IX 

THE SOUTH COUNTY. 1758-1787 

HE name of King's County was changed to Wash- 
ington during the Revolution, but it has generally 
been known by the familiar term we have given it. The 
characteristics of the region changed as slavery went out. 
As the estates lessened, the patrician owners were suc- 
ceeded by farmers employing fewer laborers, and their 
habits were more in accord with other parts of the colony 
and state. We must take up and describe Rowland Rob- 
inson, 1 for the story of his daughter, the " Unfortunate 
Hannah." He was a type of the old landholders, " con- 
stitutionally irritable, rash and unyielding " by one ac- 
count. In Mr. Isaac P. Hazard's 2 rose-colored glass, he 
was " a noble, generous-spirited man by nature, passion- 
ate, but not vindictive." All agree that the daughter was 
" the most perfect model of beauty." She was known in 
Philadelphia and throughout the colonies. One of her 
suitors, Dr. William Bowen, was most enthusiastic in his 
description. " Her figure was graceful and dignified, her 
complexion fair and beautiful and her manner urbane 
and captivating; that she rode with ease and elegance." 
Doctor Bowen proffered Ins affection, but the beauty 
was already engaged. The refusal came with « such 
suavity and tenderness, united with personal respect," that 
the disappointed suitor was consoled. 

The favored swain was Peter Simons, of Newport, who 

lUpdike, Goodwin, Vol. I, pp. 230-234. 
2 Ibid., p. 546. 

279 



280 The South County 

was a music-master at the dancing school, where they met. 
Notwithstanding the most violent opposition from Mr. 
Robinson, they eloped and were married about 1760 in 
Providence, where they settled, living in very poor cir- 
cumstances. The neglect and dissipation of the husband, 
and possibly the uneasy conscience of the bride, made 
her ill. She was assisted by her mother, who finally per- 
suaded the passionate, but affectionate, father to have 
her conveyed in a litter to his home in Narragansett. It 
was too late, and she died on the night of her arrival. 

This was purely an old-fashioned romance, with all the 
elements needed by Miss Porter for a ravishing tale. A 
century ago, sympathy was altogether with the " Unfor- 
tunate Hannah." As the shadows lengthen, the high 
lights are not so strong on the figures of the lovers, and 
bring the father into more favorable perspective. The 
outcome of the worthless character of Simons proved that 
the sensible father was correct in estimating the youth. 
Doubtless, Robinson's conduct was passionate and unrea- 
soning ; that was the way of the time. He was putting 
forth all his powers to save his daughter from a fate 
which was literally " unfortunate." 

The excellent care of the Hazard family has preserved 
the account books of College Tom, kept in 1750 to 1790, 
with their invaluable records of Narragansett life in the 
middle of the century. He was son 3 of the large land- 
holder, Robert Hazard, graduating at Yale College, and 
lived the life of a planter, gradually merging into that 
of a farmer. He charged farm produce to his debtors 

3 " He married Elizabeth, daughter of Governor Robinson, was 
comely in person, large in stature six feet, and of great physical 
strength; a forcible speaker, he was deservedly popular in his 
denomination, and was the first in his denomination that advocated 
the abolition of negro slavery." — Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 65. 



1758] College Tom's Management 281 

and also small articles obtained in trade, 4 as shoe buckles, 
skeins of thread, a thimble, etc. Evidently the proprie- 
tor procured these things in the markets around the Bay, 
and they served in discharging his obligations, instead of 
money or currency, which was scarce. Some entries are 
equivalent to the exchanges in modern banking. John 
Mash was debtor for 30s. in cash, paid to Thomas Sweet, 
blacksmith; it was due from John Nichols to said Sweet 
and from John Mash to said Nichols. A charge to his 
brother-in-law carries a "Felt Hatt for Dick at £1. 
Casteel Sope, Handkerchiefs at 14s. Callominco at 18s. 
Sugar, Indigo and salt." Thomas Hazard at Newport 
was debtor for £55., to be paid in three months " on Swop 
between Two Horses." Prices were generally in Old 
Tenor, though occasionally specified in Lawful Money. 

George Ireish bought a famous Narragansett " Natu- 
ral pacing Horse, dark coloured with some White in his 
face," at fifty-five silver Spanish milled dollars. The 
transaction reveals a curious course of trade and indirect 
balancing of values. 5 " I am to take 1 hoggshead of 
molasses, 1 barrell of Sugar at £70. old Tenor per Hun- 
dred, the Molasses at the value of 36/- old Tenor, a 
Doller being considered at the Value of Eight Pounds 
old Tenor the Remainder in Tea at y e Rate of eight 
Pounds old Ten 1 ", and in Indigo at the Rate of Twelve 
Pounds, old Tenor; to have one half of y e remainder in 
Tea, & the other in Indigo." If they lived a simple life 
in the olden time the simplicity did not extend to the ways 
of trade and the adjustment of values. 

Tea appeared in the first accounts, 1750, at £3.4s., 
1766 at £8. O. T., and chocolate comes in 1754 at 
fourteen shillings a pound. In 1771 Powel Helme was 

4 " Hazard College Tom," p. 58, et seq. 

5 Ibid., p. 64. | 



282 The South County 

charged for Keeping the Coddington horse seven weeks 
and six days in summer at one pound of chocolate per 
week. Mr. Helme was credited by " thy instructg " 
young Robert Hazard in the art of navigation at 5s. 6d. 
Each homestead manufactured most articles needed for 
use in the family. The most important process was in 
carding, combing, spinning and weaving. There is hardly 
any mention of carding in these accounts, but combing 
occurs frequently. Valentine Ridge is credited with 
combing " at my house 40 lbs. of wool " and " at thy 
house 33f lbs. wool." The comber was probably son of 
Master Ridge, the Irish schoolmaster at Tower Hill, of 
strong character and " courtly bearing." Miss Hazard 
thinks " there was no apparent descent in the social scale 
from a physician to a weaver, or a schoolmaster to a 
wool comber." 6 This hardly corresponds with the pres- 
ent writer's observation, which has been that there was 
distinction between those who employed and those who 
were workers. Landholders, clergymen, physicians and 
lawyers made the upper ranks. Teachers were between- 
classes ; they were not ranked in a profession, as they 
are to-day. 

Ridge received 14s. per lb. O. T. for combing the 
" worsted." It was spun on a " woolen wheel." Both 
worsted and linen were spun at six shillings O. T. per 
skein in 1761. James Carpenter spun both linen and 
tow yarn, and wove the latter into diaper; but generally 
the yarn was spun by one and woven by another person. 
In 1753 linen was woven at seven shillings and ticking 
at the same price. The latter was needed for feather 
beds, the greatest comfort of the eighteenth century, and 
too common to be a luxury. Half Duroy is mentioned, a 
modification of corduroy, probably. Gardner, " ye weaver 
e " Hazard College Tom," p. 96. 



1760] The Artisans of the Time 283 

at Tower Hill," and two others were employed by Thomas 
Hazard from 1756 to 1760. They were charged with 
wool at twenty shillings 0. T. per pound, " to be paid 
for in weaving; Tow at 3s. 6d. Flanning 3s. Worsted 
at 5s. and other cloths at the same rate." Benedict 
Oatley was skillful, for he could weave striped cloth and 
made one piece " Chex." An entry is for dyeing, scour- 
ing, pressing and shearing one piece of " Sarge " and for 
scouring and fulling one piece of " Cersey." The blue 
colors were dyed in indigo. 

Martin Reed, " a remarkable man," 7 left an orphan, 
served an apprenticeship of fourteen years at weaving 
(probably in Newport) until he was twenty-one. With 
one quarter's schooling, he read all the books accessible 
on his art, until he had mastered it. He married Mary 
Dixon, a diaper weaver, and began living in a simple way 
with the plainest furniture and a single loom. He suc- 
ceeded so well that he soon became the manufacturer for 
all the principal families around. This shows that the 
division of labor was begun. He became a member of 
St. Paul's Church under Mr. Fayerweather and always 
led the singing. In the Revolution and afterward, while 
the parish had no rector, he read the service in the church 
and at funerals. 

There were numerous hand weavers for plain cloth, but 
Reed was the most skilled, being the only one who could 
weave calimanco. Wool and flax were constantly manu- 
factured ; some linen was spun by the weaver, James 
Carpenter, in 1768, at eight shillings and woven into 
diaper at ten shillings per yard. In 1761 " linnen yarn " 
is recorded at six shillings the skein. Astress Crandall 
was a famous spinner for all kinds of work. She spun 
" card-work " as well as worsted ; and there is an entry 
t Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 18. 



284 The South County 

for " spinning, doubling and dressing 1 skain of stocking 
worsted three double." The dressings seem to have con- 
sisted in boiling and washing the yarn. Stockings are 
seldom mentioned; a pair in 1756 cost 35 shillings and a 
" Linning Handkerchief " 22 shillings. 

It shows how nearly self-furnishing and consuming 
Hazard's estate was that his largest sale of wool was only 
100 lbs. at 14i|d. ; though he kept a good flock of sheep. 

Andrew Nichols, the tailor, was frequently employed, 
and his wife Eunice was a " tailoress." He was a good 
Friend, and bought the " Principles & Precepts of y e 
Christian Religion &ct. at 10s. Old Ten = 4%" In 
1769 his account credited with £139. O. T. showed a bal- 
ance due Nichols of only lis. 8 d -§. Thomas Hazard's 
one hand nearly washed the other, so to speak. 

The shoeing of horses and oxen was a constant neces- 
sity, and the blacksmith was an important character 
throughout early New England. Shoeing the family was 
likewise an intimate necessity. The leather used was 
tanned near home, in one instance the skins being " dressed 
to y e halves " ; but generally the share of the tanner was 
one-third. All sorts of skins — even including a skunk's — 
were converted into leather. In 1768 John Sherman made 
twelve pairs of shoes for £24. and apparently did all the 
work of the family. For that year his bill, including some 
Women's Hats, amounted to £75. O. T. Often the shoe- 
maker went about from house to house, and this custom 
continued well into the nineteenth century. 

In 1750-1755 hay was £20. per load, and a pair of oxen 
£130. In 1765 beef was 4s. 6d. per pound. Milk was 
one shilling a quart in 1752 and some time after. But- 
ter was 5s. 6d. in 1750 and 7s. the next year. Cheese 
was the important product, and in 1754 3627 lbs. were 
made at '3s., amounting to £545.17. 



1760] The Important Indian Corn 285 

An interesting entry occurs in 1773, when a load of 
" cole " was carted from the Ministerial Farm. Nova 
Scotia coal was then used in Boston, and probably this 
came in at the South Ferry or at Robert Hazard's wharf 
on Boston Neck. Mr. Hazard's chaise is mentioned in 
1779 and it was said to be the first in the county. 

Our settlers derived one of the largest factors in their 
living from the native Narragansetts. Indian corn was 
and is a most important element in the agriculture of this 
district. The rich soil along the ocean shore affords a 
good support for this excellent food. On- Broad Rock 
farm near Peace Dale, which was a part of College Tom's 
estate, there were recently to be seen two of the Indian 
caches 8 for storing it. They were small hollows in the 
ground, some three feet long, two feet wide, and one foot 
deep, roughly lined with stone. When the tribe was 
driven into Massachusetts in the time of Philip's War, 
they came and carried away these deposits for subsistence. 
Several modes of cooking were inherited with the precious 
cereal. Shepherd Tom Hazard, in his Johnny Cake 
Papers, is most enthusiastic in his accounts of the old 
colonial bread. The corn must be ground by fine-grained 
stones, which would make " flat " meal instead of " round." 
The meal should be made into dough and spread on the 
middle board of a red oak barrel head. Only walnut 
coals were worthy, and the crust as it browned should be 
basted with cream. Hasty pudding and " them por- 
ridge " were viands from the same source. 

College Tom had a few slaves. His father, Robert, 
dying in 1762, by tradition, left 24. It does not appear 
that the slave-owners took many apprentices, though 
they had some. Priamus, a negro boy, came to Mr. 
Hazard at six years and lived out a term of apprentice- 
s " Hazard College Tom," p. 111. 



286 The South County 

ship until of age, either with this employer or in the imme- 
diate neighborhood. He took another, Oliver Smith, at 
eight years from his mistress, " for his Bringing up until 
he may have an advantageous opportunity to go appren- 
tice." There are scarce any traces of Indian labor, though 
we know they were often employed. There are many 
curious contracts for labor of the better class, which 
should work between the black slave and the white master. 
In 1763 Henry Hill agreed to " Labour at Husbandry " 
for ten months and was to receive £400. O. T. 9 In his 
account he was charged 34s. for half a quire of paper, and 
10s. " Paid Fox the scribe "; a function seldom recognized 
in colonial life. Another husbandman was to make shoes 
in wet weather ; and still another to " labor at carpentry " 
when the skies were not propitious. 

The admirable domestic system of labor was further 
reinforced in 1762 by Jacob Barney — mark the Irish 
name. He was to work four months at journey-work in 
hatting, and to teach " my soh Tommy " the trade, to- 
gether with another lad. He was to receive the common 
wages, by the hat, and to be found his board for instruc- 
tion of the lads. Hats sold at £40. in 1763, and this 
must have been a thrifty saving. John Dye, " y e gard- 
ner," was a superior laborer, receiving £3.0.5. a day in 
1764. 

In such a household female labor is scarcely less im- 
portant than that of the male. Their work was even 
more carefully planned and parceled out than that of 
the men. Martha Nichols — the surname of the tailor — 
had 20s. for " making 1 gound." " Sempstry " was done 
by Joanna Dugglass, single woman, in 1764, for eleven 

o In Bristol the value of Old Tenor was in 1758-1760 £6, in 1761 
£6 10s., in 1762-1763 £7 for one Spanish milled dollar. The pound 
was 20s at 16§c=$3.33 — Munro, p. 164. 



1760] Shopping at Tower Hill 287 

weeks at 72s. per week. Quilting was as important a 
process in household manufacture, and for overseeing at 
" the bee " otherwise she received 18s. per day. Sometimes 
a bee lasted ten days. Mary Chase, for " housewifery, 
spinning, etc.," had 50s. O. T. for the summer and 40s. 
for the winter season. Amy Shearman had one pound 
in cash to pay for " making her Bonet." A woman was 
charged £8. in cash to " go to Tower Hill." In this case 
she was to have the pleasure of " shopping " instead of 
the mere solace of a book entry. 

Going to Tower Hill 10 meant to trade with James 
Helme, and most transactions with the women were re- 
corded in cross entries on College Tom's books. Tower 
Hill was the emporium and department store where the 
wants of the community were satisfied. James Helme 
was " a gentleman of mild and urbane manners, of esti- 
mable character and of considerable wealth," in the words 
of Updike. 11 He was an example of the all-around men of 
fair abilities, who in conjunction with the landholders 
carried on a community like this of Narragansett. In 
1767 he was elected by the legislature to be chief justice 
of the Superior Court of the colony. 

Lowes Jakeways, spinster, is recorded in an outing of 

i° " In the latter part of the Eighteenth century Tower Hill was 
a prosperous place; the situation was incomparable, and nearly all 
of the wealthy families had representatives established there in 
younger sons or married daughters. It was the ' Court-end ' of 
the town. There were fourteen houses, six of them with large 
gambrelled roofs, which were erected by wealthy and enterprising 
men who spared no pains to make them attractive. There were 
also several inns or taverns. A coach passed through twice a 
week from the South Ferry to New London, and returned carry- 
ing passengers and mails; as many as eight coaches have been 
known to arrive in one morning. "Balls and dances were of frequent 
occurrence, guests coming from Newport and the neighboring plan- 
tations of Boston Neck." — Robinson, " Hazard Family," p. 61. 

ii Goodwin Ed., Vol. I., p. 186. 



288 The South County 

another sort than the desiderated shopping at Tower Hill. 
She was charged with 20s. cash " when she went to the 
New Light meeting " in 1756. We have referred to the 
Great Awakening in the forties, which profoundly moved 
King's Cousty. The numerous sects, so vexatious to Dr. 
MacSparran, were stimulated anew and they affected 
the orderly circles of the Friends. One was excluded 
from membership in 1748 because he suffered the Friends' 
meeting " to be disturbed & broken up by the afores d Wild 
& Ranting people, which meeting was in his own house." 12 
Twenty years later the sect was active and another Friend 
was expelled, having joined the New Lights, and "pre- 
tended to Justifie himself in being Dipt d in outward 
water." Many cultivated and socially gifted families 
were in the communion of St. Paul's Church with Doctor 
MacSparran, as we have seen. The majority of the sub- 
stantial citizens were Quakers, and their staid habits were 
a powerful influence in the community until the middle of 
the nineteenth century. 

The labor of slaves administered by such judicious econ- 
omy as has been described, makes a prosperous commu- 
nity. The course of affairs on College Tom's homestead 
was a good example of semi-patriarchal principles worked 
out in a community of strong individual men and women. 
There was the underlying force of slave labor, the organiz- 
ing power of the Society of Friends, the thrifty economy 
of the best householder anywhere; all combined to pro- 
mote a well-balanced family life. It is easy to perceive 
the reasons why South Kingstown became the most 
wealthy town in the state at the time of the Revolution. 
The first brass fender was mentioned in the mid-century, 
costing £18. ; and the largest value in pewter was £87. 
Gold beads strung into necklaces were gradually being 
« S. K. Monthly M. R„ Vol. II., p. 269, cited by Miss Hazard. 



1760] An Artist in Hair 289 

worn. The usual minute care of the poor was carefully 
worked out ; as well as provisions for regulating appren- 
ticeship in both sexes. There was a complicated outfit 
for a barber's shop in 1756, with five blocks on which to 
make wigs ; and including three " hetches to hetchel hair." 
The artist must have been well employed, for he left a 
personal estate of £1142.16. In 1758 a large bible had 
come to £15. in the money of the time. A negro man at 
£1000., a woman at £800., indicate the fluctuating pound 
in paper. Two " stone boles " at 30s., a stone pickle pot 
at 15s., a teapot at same price, and at the same three 
" stone sassers and dishes " show the increasing use of 
common white porcelain, along with the more luxurious 
China ware. 

Jeffrey Hazard 13 in 1759 had a large number of cattle, 
sheep and swine, with a great breeding stock of horse 
kind. A " stone horse " at $400. ; with 37 mares, 3 colts, 
3 geldings at £2010. His own " riding beast " with 
saddle and bridle stood at £300. His wardrobe cost 
£268. He had twelve negroes — four as high as £1000. 
each. A large amount was charged in book account 
£13,188., and he held notes of hand for £5110. The 
total personal estate, £57,403., was the largest of the 
period. Everything indicates the increase of active capi- 
tal, though values are complicated, owing to the fluctuat- 
ing currency. 

To go out of the world has never been easy, what- 
ever the conditions of life — barbaric or civilized. 
Peter Ginnings, December 19, 1758, passed through 
the prevalent difficulties. The friendly nurse furnished 
two quarts " rhum y e night he dyed " at £2.10. Then 
he charged £4.10. for " my cost and trouble to invite his 
friends and others at his Death and Buriel." 
is S. K. MSS. S Probate Rec, Vol. II., p. 107. 



290 The South County 

We may note the changes of value in standard feather 
beds, in the case of Wm. Congdon in 1762. Wearing 
clothes costing £84. and a new beaver hat at £40., he had 
one feather bed and furniture at £345., two do. at £300. 
each, another at £200. and again at £160., again £190. 
and a trundle bed and bedding £180. The negro's bed 
and blankets cost £30., a single blanket £6.10. In the 
table and kitchen service we find £105., in silver £97., in 
pewter £16., in earthen ware £4., in stone £25., in brass 
with a warming pan £6. He had two woollen wheels, 
one horse and three cows. In this moderate estate of 
£3443. there was comfort, but not luxury. 

Benjamin Holway, 14 " Cordwainer's," affairs in 1762 
show something of the incipient division of labor. With 
his stock of leather he had 70 pairs women's shoes at £288., 
with 242 pairs double channel pumps at £1331. He must 
have employed slaves, as he had one negro at the high 
value of £1500. and a boy at £900. Only two horses, 
one cow and two hogs in a personal estate of £6119. 
His wardrobe stood at £120. 

Perhaps the best-dressed couple were Robert Brown, 
who expended in clothing £303., and his more luxurious 
helpmate, who had appropriated £358. There was only 
£63. in silver plate, but a gold necklace at £45. In £96. 
worth of pewter were included 12 hard metal plates. A 
large farming outfit had an item of £56. in eight bushels 
of wheat. The worthy pair were entitled to their small 
luxuries, for their personal estate amounted to £29,416. 

As we have noted in Doctor MacSparran's farming, 
there was a small quantity of wheat grown on most places, 
probably for use in the family. 

In 1762 the record makes 100 Spanish milled dollars 
equal to £600. Old Tenor bills. A tape loom occurs 
" S. K. MSS. Probate Rec, II., p. 177. 



1762] Value of the Dollar 291 

worth 5s. and a China punch bowl at £30. Benjamin 
Babcock had the unusual volume, a " Gazzaite Tear," at 
£8.10., with other books at £11. Possibly a sailor, for 
he had a Callender and Compass at £8.15. 

In 1767 Susannah Hazard, widow of Richard, mounts 
the record with a wardrobe of £714. The husband had 
been content with £110. A high case of drawers cost 
£100. The Madam's riding mare, saddle, pillion, and a 
young mare were valued at £480. The personal estate 
was moderate, £5806., with £8. O. T. rated at 1 Spanish 
milled dollar. 

Slaves were often £1100. and £1200., with girls at £800. 
in 1770. John Gardner, with £250. in clothing, rode a 
horse costing £600., including saddle and bridle. He was 
well supplied with silver plate at £952., which embraced 
8 porringers, a " teapot and milk." In addition a large 
tankard was appraised at £256. and a smaller one at 
£224. A clock £200., China and earthen ware in the 
closet £72., Table Linen £71. He had a large stock of 
cattle and sheep and four slaves. His personal estate 
was £71,002 O. T. 

After Doctor MacSparran's death, regular services at 
St. Paul's Church were long suspended. Rev. Samuel 
Fayerweather, sent out from England, administered the 
sacrament in 1761, with only 12 participants. In the 
following year he preached to a congregation of 100. 
His preaching must have commended itself, for in the 
autumn of 1761 he served in the pulpit at King's Chapel, 
Boston, with Governor Bernard for an auditor. He was 
the pastor of St. Paul's until 1774. 

George Rome (Room), "a Gentleman of Estate from 
Old England," afterward a noted Tory, was literally an 
alien character in our colonial life. Coming to Newport in 
1761 as agent for Hopkins and Haley, he represented 



The South County 

many British houses. He secured much real estate in 
dealing with debtors and about 1766 possessed himself 
of Henry Collins' farm at Boston Neck. We have 
noticed 15 this Newport magnate, who deserved a better 
fate than to be sold out by Rome under assignment. Mr. 
Rome appears on the Narragansett church records, as 
he spent his winters in Newport and his summers at Bos- 
ton Neck, where he had 700 acres. His bachelor quarters 
were in a large mansion house, the equipment of which was 
far beyond the life of Narragansett, and yet further ex- 
aggerated by local tradition. But in fact, 16 as actually 
appeared a generation ago, there was a vast fireplace in 
the kitchen, where a man could walk in with his hat on. 
Cord-wood was burned without interfering with the back 
oven-door on one side of the fire, or the favorite ingle- 
seat on the other side. Along the kitchen and in rear 
were a number of small plastered bedrooms for slaves. 
There was a large annex in rear of the main building. 

The garden was famous. A stately avenue of button- 
woods led to the mansion through fish-ponds, and through 
flowers in the formal arrangements of the time. A box- 
tree fifteen feet high and more than thirty feet around 
exists to-day, as it was removed by Mr. Perry to the 
grounds of the John Brown house in Providence. 17 

In this enchanted dwelling-place, the host gathered 
guests, not only from Newport and Narragansett, but 
from far-away Boston. He asked Colonel Stewart and 
another at Christmas " to celebrate the festivities of the 
season with me in Narragansett woods? A covey of 
partridges or bevy of quails will be entertainment for 
the Colonel and me, while the pike and perch pond amuse 

is Ante, p. 272. 

is Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 317. 

17 Ibid., p. 318. 



1767] Rome the Tory 293 

you." The brew of punch was famous, and it was served 
at very extravagant entertainments. Ladies often en- 
livened the society of the place. 

Mr. Rome's interests, as well as inclinations, caused 
him to become a bitter Tory. We cite below ls from his 
opinions expressed in a letter written from the Narragan- 
sett villa December 22, 1767. In the agitations concern- 
ing the Stamp Act, he was very conspicuous. For oppo- 
sition to the charter and other misdemeanors, he was im- 
prisoned in 1775. After release, fearing further prose- 
cution, he fled on board the British man-of-war Rose. 
His estates were confiscated with those of other Tories. 

Block Island, home of the Manissean tribe, always 
affected the mainland and South County. It early at- 
tracted attention as a fishing station, being settled in 
1662 and a harbor begun in 1670. Their distinctive 
boats were a remarkable production. From the keel 
rose stem and stern posts at an angle of 45° ; the bow 
and stern were nearly alike and the sides of lapstreak 
cedar. Open with no deck, the two masts carried narrow 
tapering sails. Having no shrouds or stays, the masts 
bent with peculiar elasticity as the storm-winds strained 
every fiber of the structure. One has never been swamped 
in the open sea. In the largest waves running as " three 

is " The colonies have originally been wrong founded. They ought 
to have been regal governments, and every executive officer approved 
by the King. Until that is effected, and they are properly regulated, 
they will never be beneficial to themselves, nor good subjects of 
Great Britain. . . . They obtained a repeal of the Stamp Act 
by mercantile influence, and they are endeavouring, by the same 
artifice and finesse, to repeal the acts of trade, and obtain a total 
exemption from all taxation. . . . The temper of the country 
is exceedingly factious, and prone to sedition: they are growing more 
imperious and haughty — nay, insolent — every day. A bridle at pres- 
ent may accomplish more than a rod hereafter." — Updike, Goodwin, 
Vol. II., pp. 83-84. 



294 The South County 

brothers," the steersman generally waits for the last, and 
from its high crest usually lands in safety. The family 
apparel was carried in a band-box, " a Block Island 
trunk," and when they reached home they feasted on a 
" Block Island turkey," i. e., Codfish. The fishing was a 
great resource, and as the boat filled, they threw out the 
pebble-ballast. The best fisherman was " high-hook." 
The hardy masters of these boats were literally masters 
of the sea. 

The ocean likewise furnished seaweed and fish to fer- 
tilize the fields, as was the custom on the mainland. Large 
swamps afforded peat, commonly called tug, which they 
began to burn in 1721, and used for their only fuel for 
a century. 

The island was a most exposed point in the Revolution- 
ary War, and the colony was obliged to remove the sheep 
and cattle, to prevent the enemy from appropriating them. 
The authorities paid £534.9.6. for 1908 sheep and lambs ; 
the number of cattle taken was not recorded. 

The " Palatine Light," seen for at least three-quarters 
of a century, affected the main shore as well as the island ; 
a curious romance, it was treated by Whittier in his poem 
bearing the same name. Doctor Aaron C. Willey, a com- 
petent observer, wrote a scientific account 19 of the phe- 
nomenon in 1811. " This curious irradiation rises from 
the ocean near the northern part of the island. Its 
appearance is nothing different from a blaze of fire ; 
whether it actually touches the water or hovers over it is 
uncertain. It beams with various magnitudes, when large 
(as a ship with canvas spread) it displays either a pyra- 
midical form or three constant streams, often in a con- 
stant state of mutation. The duration is not commonly 
more than two or three minutes. . . . This lucid 

19 Arnold, " R. I.," Vol. II., pp. 88-91. 



1767] Palatine Light 295 

meteor has long been known by the name of the Palatine 
light. By the ignorant and superstitious it is thought to 
be supernatural. Its appellation originated from that 
of a ship called the Palatine, which was designedly cast 
away at this place, in the beginning of the last century, 
in order to conceal, as tradition reports, the inhuman 
treatment and murder of some of its unfortunate passen- 
gers. From this time, it is said, the Palatine light ap- 
peared, and there are many who believe it to be a ship of 
fire, to which their fantastic and distempered imaginations 
figure masts, ropes and flowing sails." 

Mr. Livermore, 20 writing in 1876, denies the burning 
of the vessel, claiming that the Dutch ship Palatine 
touched at the island about 1752, leaving Kattern, a 
negro woman, who married there and was a so-called witch, 
fortune-teller and opium-eater; adding in her way to the 
hazy mists of tradition and the actual appearance of 
the Palatine Light. Besides, there were landed some logs 
of lignum vita. Certainly this timber was actual, for 
the present writer has within reach of his hand, his grand- 
mother's mortar and kitchen rolling pin made from the 
Palatine relics. The actual phenomenon of the light was 
remarkable, and it was strange that the cause, as well as 
the effect, disappeared entirely early in the nineteenth 
century. 

In 1765 Mr. Fayerweather went over to Westerly to 
serve at the marriage of Dr. Joshua Babcock's daughter. 
Let us study the Doctor, an example of the men gifted 
with almost universal capacity — the makers of these 
United States. His father, Captain James Babcock, of 
Westerly, died in 1736-7, owning 2000 acres of land, 
horses, slaves and stock in proportion. Joshua, born 
1707, dying in 1783, was said to be the first native of 

20 " Block Island," p. 121. 



296 The South County 

Westerly to practice medicine there. He graduated at 
Yale College, completing his medical education in Bos- 
ton and in England. Notwithstanding his extensive prac- 
tice he opened at Westerly one of the largest retail stores. 
In 1747 he was an associate justice in the Superior Court 
of Rhode Island, and for three or more years, between 
1749 and 1764, he was chief justice. 21 He represented 
his native town in the General Assembly for more than 
forty years. Knowing many prominent men from New 
London to Boston, especially Doctor Franklin, he enter- 
tained them in the old mansion, where the box-trees still 
line the approach to the hospitable door. Being Major- 
General of the militia in 1776, he entertained General 
Washington. He was an ardent patriot in that stirring 
time, pushing the cause of his country in every way. 

Dr. Levi Wheaton lived in his family in 1779 as a medi- 
cal student and as preceptor to his grandchildren. Dr. 
Wheaton's reminiscences are exceedingly interesting. At 
the age of seventy-two, Dr. Babcock was vigorous in 
mind and body, mounting his horse sixteen hands high 
from the ground. Methodical in his habits, he spent an 
early hour on the farm, then took breakfast of bread and 
milk, with apple-pie or fruit. He disdained coffee, saying, 
this porringer and spoon has furnished my breakfast for 
forty years. For dinner at an excellent table, he partook 
of one dish only, whether fish, flesh or fowl. He drank 
cider commonly, and a glass of good wine. At tea he 
drank " exactly three cups." It was customary to enter- 
tain handsomely at supper, but whatever he gave to 
guests, for himself he took bread and milk. 

Weekly, he had prayer for the family and read a chap- 
ter from the Bible. Noticing that the reading was not 
in common English, the young doctor looked into the 
2i Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 47. 



1767] A Country-Doctor's Greek 297 

Bible and found that it was in Greek text. Heterodox 
theology was creeping in. The Doctor was a professed 
Christian, but Wheaton found in his library, Clarke on the 
Trinity, " which cost him a Bishopric," and Foster's ser- 
mons, " which lost him fellowship with orthodox Bap- 
tists." These works were greatly admired by Dr. Bab- 
cock ; whatever his inner opinions, " his moral character 
was irreproachable, and he was an honest man." 

Dr. Franklin was his friendly correspondent and vis- 
ited him on his yearly visits to Boston. Dr. Babcock 
told a story well and had many anecdotes of Franklin. 
Mrs. Babcock — superior in that time of superior women — 
asked the philosopher if he would have his bed warmed. 
" No, Madam, thank'ee, but if you will have a little cold 
water sprinkled on the sheets I have no objection." 
Folly goes with philosophers as well as with common men. 

Physician, man of business, jurist and patriot, the 
family cares of this representative American went far 
beyond those of most men. Wheaton found him sur- 
rounded by some fifteen grandchildren, whose education 
he was superintending as minutely as he had done in the 
case of his own children. 

Colonel Babcock — " Handsome Harry," his eldest son — 
born in 1736, took his graduating degree at Yale College 
at the age of sixteen. 22 At eighteen he was made Cap- 
tain of a company in the Rhode Island contingent against 
the French in 1756. In the campaign against Ticon- 
deroga, 1758, he was promoted to be colonel of our regi- 
ment. Leading 500 men, he had 110 killed and wounded, 
and received a musket ball in his knee. Altogether he 
served five campaigns in the old French war " with great 
reputation." In the Revolution, a staunch patriot, he 
Was appointed to the command at Newport in 1776. 

22 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 56. 



298 The South County 

He had learned artillery at Woolwich in England, and 
drove off the British man-of-war Rose with an eighteen- 
pounder, fired by his own hand from the open beach. A 
severe illness in the winter incapacitated him from further 
service. A practicing lawyer, he was most eloquent when 
he spoke before the General Assembly. Some fifteen years 
earlier he had spent a year in England and was most 
hospitably received. Tradition commonly ran that, when 
presented at Court, instead of kissing the Queen's hand, 
he saluted the royal cheek, and " the liberty was not re- 
sented." This myth at least shows how popular the hand- 
some Colonel was. 

The record of St. Paul's Church, March 31, 1771, when 
Mr. Fayerweather baptized Elisha, son of Benj. Nasons, 
" the Gossips " being Mr. Rovyer, Mrs. Jefferson and the 
Grand Father, enables us to note this interesting term. 
" It's old Saxon meaning was for sponsors or sureties at 
baptism." 23 At these christenings, there were often pre- 
sented the " apostles' spoons," nowadays in great demand 
for mementos. 

The record of St. Paul's April 16, 1772, 24 is worth 
observing, both for the essential matter, and for its evi- 
dence of Royalist and Tory sentiment among the Narra- 
gansett Anglicans. Mr. Updike 25 says the substantial 
fact of the regicide's residence at Pettiquamscutt was 
never questioned until Dr. Stiles raised the doubt. The 

23 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 97. 

24 " Married Mr. Sylvester Sweet to Miss Martha Whailey. The 
bride Being given away by her Father, Jeremiah Whailey, one of 
the descendants of old Col. Whailey, one of the Regicides of King 
Charles the first of Ever blessed Memory, and Who sat in the 
Mock Court Before Which That Excellent Prince, That Blessed 
Martyr was Arraign'd and Condemned, and Who was Called prover- 
bially one of King Charles's Judges." 

25 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., pp. 100-103. 



1772] The Regicide 299 

careful Arnold 2G leans toward the tradition. Dr. Good- 
win 27 says the romantic tradition is not strictly authenti- 
cated, " yet the persistence with which it has been believed 
seems to point to an element of truth in the story." 

The colonies had been drifting away from the mother 
country ; the action of Philadelphia and Boston, culminat- 
ing in the " Tea Party " at the latter place, brought the 
incipient rebellion to a head. In 1774 the towns of Rhode 
Island, beginning at Westerly, where ex-Governor Samuel 
Ward led the patriots, held meetings condemning the 
import of tea and rallying all citizens to a common cause 
against Great Britain. The resolution of Middletown 
was one of the best, " We will heartily unite with our 
American Brethren in supporting the inhabitants of this 
Continent in all their just rights and privileges ; and we 
do disown any right in the Parliament of Great Britain 
to tax America." In September all the towns contributed 
liberally, sending 860 sheep, 13 oxen, and £417. in money 
for the relief of Boston. In 1776 the British fleet made 
a descent on Point Judith, taking off a number of sheep 
and cattle. Some prominent persons, suspected of being 
Tories, were charged with connivance and were arrested. 28 
The committee of safety often had to look into such mat- 
ters. South Kingstown asked Governor Cooke for addi- 
tional guard for the coast. 

Doctor MacSparran's criticism of Narragansett as the 
natural producing ground of sects and sectarians received 
some support in the career of the noted Jemima Wilkin- 
son. She was born in Cumberland, R. I., in 1752, and 
was related to David Wilkinson, one of the greatest 
geniuses in mechanics in all America. But her stamping- 

26 « R. I.," Vol. II., p. 413n. 

27 Updike, Vol. II., p. 338. 

28 Arnold, " R. I.," Vol. II., p. 368. 



300 The South County 

ground and field of greatest success was in North and 
South Kingstown. In early womanhood she became reli- 
gious and studious, reading the Bible closely. In 1776 
she was seriously ill, and after a trance she awoke, claiming 
to have been to heaven and to have become a new Christ 
on earth. Her own family were converted to be disciples. 
She traveled throughout the state and in adjoining dis- 
tricts, holding large meetings, which she addressed in a 
very eloquent and persuasive manner. She claimed to 
work miracles. When she failed, as in attempting to raise 
the dead, it was for lack of faith in the lookers-on. Three 
or four meeting-houses were built for her. 29 

On horseback, especially, her appearance was very im- 
posing. Of fine form, fair complexion, with florid cheeks, 
dark and brilliant eyes, her auburn hair falling on her 
shoulders in three full ringlets, her voice sounding clear 
and harmonious ; if not a prophetess, she was at least a 
natural orator of great power. Her dress was rich, but 
plain, in a style entirely her own ; a white beaver hat, sides 
turned down, a full, light drab mantle ; a unique underdress 
and cravat around her neck. 

The greatest dupe of this imposing creature was one 
whom you would least expect to be so credulous. William 
Potter was chief justice of the county court, with a large 
estate easterly from the present village of Kingston. 
For Jemima and her followers, he built an addition 
to his " already spacious mansion," 30 containing fourteen 
rooms. She dwelt here six ytears, controlling master, 
household, and the income of the good property. Like 
other impostors, she separated husbands and wives, while 
children left their parents. She induced many to sell 
their estates and with Judge Potter and som» fifty families 

29 Greene, " East Greenwich," p. 130. 
so Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 267. 



1776] Jemima Wilkinson the Imposter 801 

she migrated to the Genesee country. She seems to have 
been a shrewd manager in affairs, but Judge Potter finally 
lost his property. Her enemies attacked her at all points, 
but her moral character was irreproachable. In 1818 
she made a will signing herself " the person once called 
Jemima Wilkinson, but since 1777 called the Public Uni- 
versal Friend." Neither she nor her family had any con- 
nection with the Society of Friends. 

Naturally, we have dwelt on the deficiencies and imposi- 
tions of her character and career. There is another side. 
There must have been something great in her, though 
she prostituted it in the career of adventure. Sometimes 
she must have touched the best in her hearers, or she 
would not have had so many innocent followers. Every 
generation has spiritual hunger of its own, which often 
satisfies itself with unworthy objects. 

The War of the Revolution brought many troubles 
to the non-resistant Quakers so largely represented in the 
South County. " College Tom " 31 expressed himself 
in the record against " Carnal War and Fightings." 
The paper currency " issued Expressly for carrying on 
war " was discussed in the public meetings of the Friends. 
" The money itself became a difficulty to a tender con- 
science." It were to inquire too curiously to ask how far 
conscience, Tory predilection, and fear of losing property 
in the war-like struggles were intermingled in the Quaker 
mind. 

In 1786 the Assembly issued £100,000 in paper, to be 
a legal tender, and with all sorts of forcing acts to compel 
creditors to receive it. Providence, Newport, Westerly 
and Bristol opposed in vain. 32 Toward the agitation of 
these questions, South Kingstown furnished one of the 
si " Hazard," p. 200. 
32 Brigham, p. 254. 



302 The South County 

worst demagogues civilization has ever known. Jonathan 
J. Hazard was a staunch patriot in the struggle against 
Great Britain. He represented Rhode Island in the Con- 
federated Congress. He was a natural orator, ready, 
subtle and ingenious in debate ; the " idol of the country 
interest, manager of the State, in fact, the political dic- 
tator in Rhode Island until his course in the Constitutional 
Convention " 33 ruined him. In economic matters, he was 
fairly representative of those insane sciolists who vex the 
political situation whenever irredeemable paper money is 
mooted. In 1786 he beat down the " Hard Money " 
or mercantile party by sheer demagogic force. He 
strongly advocated the curious, pernicious illusion that 
merchants designedly create scarcity of specie in the course 
of trade. He argued that the state currency based on 
real estate was safer than the obligation of any 
bank ; that it could be opposed only by avarice and 
prejudice. 

Esther Bernon Carpenter, a descendant of Gabriel 
Bernon, the Huguenot, with fond enthusiasm collected 
the sayings of her " South County Neighbors." They 
belong strictly to the beginning of the next century rather 
than the period of this chapter. But they are mostly 
hereditary and always idiomatic, indicative of the talk, 
which prevailed among College Tom's spinners and 
ditchers. Many of these idioms came directly from 
Devonshire, and they prevail there to-day. 

Sally " the help " was buried with all the formal cere- 
mony of the local funeral ; " a strange mingling of the 
gloomy and the abhorrent of the tasteless and grotesque, 
of the sympathetic and the matter-of-fact," the whole 
being custom strictly observed. Every generation had 
a stroller or two of its own, selling simples, presumed to 
33 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 74. 



1776] Local Idioms $03 

have occult powers of healing, and with all the acces- 
sories of a quack. Such an one was a fanatical adherent 
oi old customs. When the farmer's daughter offered his 
dinner on a tin plate (an innovation) he said, < Gal, ham t 
you no trencher?" As the maiden did not respond, 
« Then gimme a chip," which was done, and his antique 
dignity was appeased. 

The girl Ad'line addressed a late schoolfellow, how 
d' do, Ad'line, how be you? " This be is used to-day, and 
has some dim, mystic reference to a sense of being. 

Ailse (Alice) Congdon, the tailoress, had a sharp 
tongue. Izrul Barnes was the sly-humored old Yankee 
« hired man " ; Huldy, not so intelligent, feared them both 
« Ailse Congdon mought steer her Huldy Pawnses but 
she couldn't drive no Barneses." Quoth Izrul, Say, 
Huldy, Elder Springer berried his wife, f know three 
months ago come nex Sa'a'd'y. He looks chipper ez a 
crow-blackbird in plantin' time. Tell ye what, you better 
sprunt up, n' fly roun'." "I don't want no Elder 
Springer. Tain't no such smart doings to get married. 
Ailse Congdon she ain't married." Izrul retorted, Wal, 
I sort o' thought she was onct." This was true, for 
Ailse did marry and live with Jim Castle, when the groom 
departed, saying, "he guessed he'd ruther stay with his 
own folks, and she wouldn't lift a finger agin it. Ailse 
expressed herself judicially that she « didn't better her- 
self, noways, when she took him." Elder Springer met 
some rebuffs, when in the legitimate functions of his min- 
istry. Ailse was quite ill and he called to ask if she was 
prepared for a change." With a steelly glance the frail 
mortal replied, " I'd have you to know that we're a very 
long-lived family, and if you hain't nothin but^ that to 
say you'd better go back where you come from." 

The poor woman was actually in extremis and went into 



304 The South County 

more practical matters with the excellent old Quakeress, 
who asked if she was resigned. With panting breath, 
" resigned to die ! d'you think, Friend Dempsey, that any- 
body oughter to be resigned to die with the sullar only 
half cleaned and the backyard not cleared up." 

Some brighter and more cheery influences animated this 
sordid life. Nature occasionally crept in. " Harty's 
ez chipper ez a quonqueedle, and thet's a real harnsum 
toon she's a singin'." Says Steve " quonqueedle was 
the name the old Injuns giv' 'em. I sh'd reckon it come 
from their n'ise, when they 'm a sorter tunin' up. The' 
was a man come here from some o' them northern parts, 
called 'em bob-o-links. I expect thet ar' outlandish name 
come right down from some o' them old Massachusetts 
Prisbyter'ans." 

A suggestive saying was embodied in " lazy," used just 
as we apply " nervous prostration." " Mrs. Brown, I un- 
derstand Miss Jones is ' lazy ' this summer and I want 
to do the washing she generally takes from you." Appar- 
ently, no one would incur the disgrace of laziness, unless 
she was ill. Jim Fones was the rural postmaster and " I 
never see no sech do-little coot." The neighbor assented 
in this guarded statement, " He ain't what I call very 
work-brittle." 

A Devonshire idiom used there to-day put " you'm " in 
place of " you are." When " Mis Tift " scrutinized the 
withered features of her that was once a Rose she ex- 
claimed, " Why, Nabby, heow you'm broke ! you'm growed 
grey an' you'm wrinkled some. I shouldn't ha' knowed ye 
from Adam." This was a favorite method of alleviating 
the ravage of Time. " Be you She that was Miss Bethuny 
Babcock? Yes. Wal, you'm broke all to smash, ain't 
ye?" ^ 

Musing over a pinched estate, Uncle Cy said, " S'pose 



1776] How They Talked 305 

the widder'n the gals c'n jest make out ter niggle along, 
cain't they? And when the weather was clearing toward 
evening, he said the rain had ' held up for a milkin'- 
slatch.' " 

These fossil remains of other times are suggestive. The 
New Englander above all was sly. As he came to make 
the country store his club or social exchange, he would 
take two or three drinks of New England rum and thaw his 
chilly and rather crusty consciousness into something 
more agreeable. Sitting about, on a barrel head or 
box, he would not utter an opinion of his own ; that would 
be taking too much responsibility. Naturally shrewd 
and sagacious, though reticent, he put his observation 
into some form of wit, which should bridge over to the 
hearer, and not reveal, too far, his own personality and 
essential being. 

Slavery was the element which most affected the life 
and customs of these proprietors. In the middle and in 
the third quarter of the eighteenth century, South Kings- 
town had more slaves than any other town excepting New- 
port. The resident Indians, employed as they were, re- 
inforced the operations of slave-labor. The Africans were 
generally obtained at Newport, though our planters im- 
ported some directly. 35 " Sheperd Tom " tells us of one 
Abigail 36 imported by Rowland Robinson and employed 
in his family. She was so contented that she persuaded 
her master to send her back to Guinea, whence she re- 
turned, bringing her only son to become a slave. The 
accounts of expenses in this expedition existed not long 
ago. A mother going as broker to enslave her own son 
was anomalous work in our eyes. The life of slaves must 
have been comparatively easy in our district. 

35 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 208. 

36 T. R. Hazard, " Reminiscences," p. 22. 



306 The South County 

" Like master, like man." The follies of masters must 
be imitated in the ways of blacks, culminating in mock 
negro-elections for a governor. Mr. Updike's description 
is so graphic that we transcribe it entire. 37 

Out of the easy living under a system of slave-holding, 
naturally came luxury and dissipation. In May the 
planters generally went to Hartford to feast on bloated 
salmon. For this custom we have the direct testimony of 
Mrs. Anstis Lee in 1791, already cited. After an early 
ride they sojourned under the Bunch of Gilded Grapes at 
Bull's Tavern and breakfasted on " bloated salmon." It 
was " the fashion, in old times, to make a special visit to 
Hartford, almost yearly, to luxuriate on this rare and 

37 " When the slaves were numerous, each town held an annual 
election the third Saturday in June. Party was as violent with 
them, as among the whites. The slaves assumed the power and 
pride and took the relative rank of their masters, and it was de- 
grading to the reputation of the owner, if his slave appeared in 
inferior apparel, or with less money than the slave of another 
master of equal wealth. The horses of the wealthy landholders 
were, on this day, all surrendered to the use of the slaves and, 
with queues, real or false, head pomatumed and powdered, cocked 
hat, mounted on the best Narragansett pacers, sometimes with 
their masters' swords; with their ladies on pillions, they pranced to 
election, which commenced generally at ten o'clock. The canvass 
for votes soon began. The tables, with refreshments, were spread 
and all friends of the respective candidates were solicited to par- 
take, and as much anxiety and interest would manifest itself and as 
much family pride and influence were exercised and interest created, 
as in true elections, and preceded by weeks of parmateering 
(parliamenteering). About one o'clock the vote would be taken by 
ranging the voters in two lines. There was generally a tumultuous 
crisis, until the court commenced, when silence was proclaimed, 
and after that no man could change sides or go from one rank 
to the other. At dinner the governor was seated at the head of 
the long table, under trees or in an arbour, with the unsuccessful 
candidate at his right and his lady on the left. The afternoon was 
spent in dancing, games of quoits and athletic exercises. The servant 
of Elisha R. Potter was elected governor about 1800. The canvass 
was very expensive to his master. Soon after the election Mr. 



1776] Sea Food 307 

delicate fish." 38 Updike says pace-races on the beach 
for the prize of a silver tankard, with feasts of a roast 
or " bake " of shelled or scaled fish, were the indulgence of 
the merry summertime. Oysters, lobsters, clams and 
quahogs made ambrosial feasts all along Narragansett 
Bay and by the ponds on the southern shore. Cong- 
don's Tavern in Wickford was famous for good cheer, 
and " Sheperd Tom " has an amusing tale of John Ran- 
dolph of Roanoke, who was wofully disappointed, owing 
to his ignorance of local dialect. He came with his cousin 
Edmund, Secretary of State under Washington. In their 
horseback tour from New York toward Newport " ham 
and eggs " had been the universal fare. At Wickford 
Congdon said he would give them clams for supper. The 
eccentric John of Roanoke rubbed his hands in pleased 
expectation. Then appeared the host again, saying the 
tide was too high for clams, but they should have some 
capital quahogs — the hard-shelled round clam. " Good 
God ! more bacon ! " said Randolph. 39 

With autumn came the corn-husking festivals. All pro- 
prietors intimate in the family visiting were invited, and 

Potter had a conference with the governor, and stated to him that 
the other must give up politics, or the expense would ruin them both. 
The negro abandoned politics.— Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., pp. 213- 
215. 

Mr. Potter, born in 1764, was an old-fashioned Rhode Island poli- 
tician, democrat-aristocrat. Blacksmith, soldier, lawyer, he knew 
men and things; hardly any man in our State ever exercised more 
personal influence. When not in Congress, he was in the General 
Assembly, whatever party prevailed. Once he was beaten in a town 
election. Coming down the steps of the old court house— mortified 
and moody— an inquirer asked about some measure in prospect. 
" I don't know," said the baffled leader, " I used to have influence 
enough in South Kingstown to hang any two men in the town. Now 
I can hardly keep from being hung myself." 

as Ibid., Vol. III., p. 102. 

39 Hazard, " Reminiscences," p. 65. 



308 The South County 

the guests brought their slaves to assist in serving. After 
the husking dancing would occur, the music being fur- 
nished by natural musicians among the slaves. Gentle- 
men in garb already described in the case of Rowland 
Robinson, would conduct ladies dressed in brocade, with 
cushioned head-dresses and high-heeled shoes, through 
the stately minuet in thirty-six positions and changes. 40 
On one occasion it was said John Potter husked one thou- 
sand bushels of corn in a day. After the Revolution large 
proprietors continued these expensive festivals, on a dimin- 
ishing scale, until about 1800. 

Traveling was difficult, and carriages were little used. 
The public roads were poor, and important districts like 
the tracts of Point Judith and Boston Neck were pene- 
trated by drift ways and obstructed by gates, until the 
middle of the nineteenth century. On horseback, with a 
darky following, this would do ; when every man became 
his own servant it was not so agreeable. 

While the servants amused themselves with the grotesque 
proceedings above noted, which rather indicate a life too 
much influenced by barbarism and over- frivolous, the mas- 
ters practiced the sports recognized in Southern commu- 
nities, especially in Virginia. Fox chasing with hounds 
and horns, fishing and fowling, were recreations worthy 
of the gentleman. Indoors, Christmas made a long holi- 
day, when guests and servants gathered in every family 
connection for twelve days or more. Wherever social life 
prevails, the wedding is the central occasion and hospitable 
gala of the time. Mr. Updike 41 comments on the last 
one — peculiar and specially appropriate to the eighteenth 
century — that occurred in 1790. Six hundred guests at- 
tended, and the host, Nicholas Gardiner, a portly, courte- 

40 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 225. 
« Ibid., p. 226. 



1776] Weddings and Sports 309 

ous gentleman, was dressed in the rich style, then passing 
out. With his cocked hat, full-bottomed white wig, snuff- 
colored coat and waistcoat deep in the pockets, cape low 
so as not to disturb the wig, and to readily expose the 
large silver stock -buckle so generally worn in the plaited 
neck-cloth of white linen cambric, with small clothes and 
white-topped boots finely polished, he was the effective 
presentation of a life given to social enjoyment, the em- 
bodiment of squirearchy. 

The solid basis of this social structure in Narragansett 
was guaranteed by the relative apportionment of the state 
taxes in 1780. It seems strange that, after Providence 
had developed so much commercial life and wealth ; slave- 
holding South Kingstown should pay one-third more 
than the proportion of Providence, of the heavy tax then 
assessed. She paid double the share of Newport — then 
impoverished by the war — and was by far the most wealthy 
town in the State. 42 Relative property shows that the 
squires with their foolish negroes were canny at home, as 
well as sportive when abroad. 

The whole social life was changed after the Revolution, 
when slavery diminished and the West Indian exports 
were less. Planting and slavery were replaced by small 
farming and economy in living. 43 It is fair to estimate 
that the moral aversion to slavery — much stimulated by 
the Quakers — hastened its downfall. Certainly the strictly 

« Arnold, Vol. II., p. 465. 

43 The present writer's great-grandfather had a family of slaves 
in the period of the Revolution, with several from Guinea. One 
Guy brought from Africa the art of grinding tobacco into snuff. 
His price was 4^d. or 6J cents for a portion in the palm of his 
hand. When he milled a parcel and there seemed to be plenty, 
he gave a full handful. As the quantity decreased, he skimped 
the award in his palm. Price did not change, but the natural 
law of supply and demand prevailed. 



310 The South County 

economic results in Narragansett were better than has 
been supposed generally. 

The mixture of blood in this peculiar population of 
Narragansett was entangled, almost beyond comprehen- 
sion. Marriages between negroes and Indians were com- 
mon, and the illicit intercourse between white men and 
colored women marked a numerous progeny. Now, we 
may note a legitimate marriage of bewildering descent. 
Thomas Walmsly was a Mustee or at least an octoroon. 
His wife Elizabeth was an Indian woman. She was bap- 
tized in company with her child Patience. 44 

But there were regular marriages between white men 
and Indian women in all parts of New England, which 
have not been sufficiently considered in tracing our hered- 
ity. March 17, 1727, " Deborah onion an Indianess wife 
of John Onion an Englishman " was married and baptized 
by MacSparran. 45 Five years later three children were 
baptized. 

From these waifs and casual representatives of varied 
races, we gladly turn to another sort of people, whose 
names will always maintain a halo around Pettaquamscutt. 
April 11, 1756, being Palm Sunday, Dr. MacSparran 
" read Prayers preached and baptized at St. Paul's Nar- 
ragansett Gilbert Stewart Son of Gilbert Stewart y e Snuff 
Grinder Sureties y e Dr. Mr. Benj' n Mumford & Mrs. 
Hannah Mumford." 46 

Whenever a title or mark of vocation could be attached 
to a person, it was done in these painstaking times. The 
church records literally gave everyone his due. In a 
subscription list there appeared three Captains, one Doc- 
tor, a dozen Misters and one Esquire. In other connec- 

44 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 530. 
45/6iU, p. 492. 
46 Jbid., p. 552, 



1776] Common Use of Titles 311 

tions we find clothier, taylor and Mr. Edwards, Perriwig 
maker at Greenwich. A shopkeeper was mentioned and 
it was a rare term. Merchant and shop were often used 
in Providence, but not this form of title. 

Perhaps no community more carefully and frequently 
set forth its erratic fancy than our folk did in their bi- 
nominal nomenclature. There were so many of one name 
that the bearer must have a descriptive prefix, lest he be 
lost in a concordant multitude. Mr. Updike cites thirty- 
two " Tom Hazards " living at one time and thus illus- 
trates a few, " College Tom, because he was a student in 
college. Bedford Tom was his son, and lived at New 
Bedford. Barley Tom because he boasted how much 
barley he raised from an acre. Virginia Tom because he 
married a wife there. Little-Neck Tom from the farm of 
that name. Nailer Tom, the blacksmith. Fiddle-Head 
Tom, an obvious resemblance. Pistol Tom, wounded by 
an explosion of that arm. Young-Pistol Tom, his son. 
Short Stephen's Tom, the father low against Long Ste- 
phen's Tom, the father tall. Tailor Tom needs no ex- 
planation." 47 The Georges were not so numerous, but 
they were distinguished by Beach-Bird George, of little 
legs ; Shoe String George, an opponent of Buckles ; Wig 
George, Doctor George, Governor George. In 1771 Rob- 
ert Hazard, " Practitioner of physick and surgery," was 
inventoried for wearing apparel at £9.2. Apparently the 
prices of this inventory were in lawful money, though it is 
not definitely specified. He had a fair amount of plate, 
41 oz., including a tankard and a silver watch and seal. 
But his non-chirurgical fancy was most fully expressed 
in buttons ; " mettle " at 18s., " frosted " 48 at 7s. 6d., 
brass sleeve at Is. 6d. and sundry sorts at Is. 6d. There 

47 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 282. 

48 Sometimes they were " flowered." 



312 The South County 

was an apothecary's stock, as was the custom among 
physicians. A loom, four woollen and four linen wheels 
furnished an industrial outfit. He farmed moderately and 
had four slaves; one woman at £30., another at £18.15., 
a girl with swelling on her neck £11., an " indented " 
Indian servant about nine years old £8. These women 
spun and wove, probably. The personal estate in these 
comprehensible values amounted to £1959. 

Elisha Clark, 49 Jun., was a shoemaker, with estate of 
£108.10. in 1773. Though he dressed at the small out- 
lay of £1.15., he was not without the conventional vanities 
of the day; silver shoe and knee buckles £1.5.6., one pair 
gold sleeve buttons 14s., one pair silver do. set in stone 6s. ; 
one pair silver neck clasps 3s. 

Shoe and knee buckles were virtually universal; a com- 
fort in silver, a necessity in pewter or brass. Silver 
watches — appraised at £8. in 1777 — and seals are becom- 
ing common. The first Banister back chairs appear, six 
at £3.12. Five negro boys and girls are valued at £117. 
" An old negro wench which we esteem of no value " was 
a typical record. 

Wm. Gardner's inventory in 1781 was " taken in Real 
money." One negro man at 60 dollars was equal to £18. 
In the debris 717 Continental dollars and one Treasurer's 
note upon Boston were valued at £17.6. 

Rev. Samuel Fayerweather, according to official re- 
port, 50 dwelt " in the midst of enemies, Quakers, Anabap- 
tists, Antipaedobaptists, Presbyterians, Independents, 
Dippers, Levellers, Sabbatarians, Muggeltonians and 
Brownists," who united " in nothing but pulling down the 
Church of England." His ministry was not as effective 
practically as was that of Dr. MacSparran. " Parson " 

49MSS. S. K. Probate Rec, Vol. VI., p. 16. 
60 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 238. 



1776 Numerous Sects 

Fayerweather, in the critical eye of Mr. Daniel Updike, 
" though a man of great talents, attended but little to 
the minutias of his duty." Probably the passing of soci- 
ety from the life of planters to that of farmers and people 
of less feudal influence took away many of the natural 
supporters of the Anglican church. We may see how a 
parson lived by consulting his inventory, September 27, 
1781. His best suit of black Padusoy — coat, waistcoat 
and breeches — cost £9. ; his other apparel £18.7. His 
gold ring, girdle buckle and silver shoe buckles £6. He 
had 80 oz. plate at £24., and a horse and sulky with whip 
at £15. His books are not mentioned and the personal 
estate was £241.7. Another clergyman, Rev. Joseph 
Torrey, had two gold rings at 15s. It seems to have 
been a well-established fashion. His estate was moderate, 
£308.6., including one hog, one pig and a loom. 

John Potter, dying in 1787, left a will, 51 but no re- 
corded inventory. Very considerate provision was made 
for the widow Elizabeth. He had several sons and a good 
riding beast, saddle and bridle with one good milch cow, 
was to be kept by either son, with whom she might choose 
to live. Firewood to be cut to fit any fireplace she might 
choose, and brought into the room. The chosen son was 
to provide everything to make her " happy and comfort- 
able." The slaves were technically emancipated, but the 
" use and improvement " of the negro woman Rose and 
the girl Pegg to be victualled by the son, were to be hers 
during widowhood. If she should marry again, these 
bequests were to be transferred to her daughters. Ac- 
cording to Mrs. Robinson, the daughters received £800. 
each, though £50. and a home in the mansion house was 
considered proper. The theory of the time was that 
the father provided for his sons and thus cared for other 

si S. K. Probate Rec, Vol. VI., p. 197. 



314 The South County 

men's daughters, whom they might marry. His house 
was at Matunuck, on Potter Pond, a division at the 
western shore of the great Salt Pond. It was large and 
stately, though it has been divided again and again until 
little is left of the original. It was adorned with portraits 
by Copley and other artists. Some of the rooms were 
paneled in the wainscot from floor to ceiling. Mr. Pot- 
ter's wealth came easily, for in a hidden and literally dark 
closet where the chimney wound about, the implements of 
coinage were kept and used. There was a tradition, 52 
well authenticated, that the hospitable Potters were en- 
tertaining a relative, Nicholas Hazard, of Newport. In 
the company was a poor pensioner, her reason a little 
clouded and her tongue loose in chartered freedom. She 
asked the host again and again, " Who made money in 
the Overing house?" He lost patience, exclaiming, "I 
don't know unless it was the devil." Nothing daunted, 
the old lady replied, " I always said it was the devil, but 
my husband says it was Friend Potter." 

Though the technical expression, " Real Money," was 
not recorded until 1781, the detailed prices show the 
change by 1771. Slaves and other property commercially 
regulated, had to be reduced from the extravagant valu- 
ations in Old Tenor. 

Whatever the general social condition of woman may 
have been, she affected quite an expansive change in her 
wardrobe, as we enter the times of exciting agitation pre- 
ceding the Revolution. In 1762 it was matter of remark 
that Robert Brown's helpmate — in a wealthy estate — 
exceeded her husband's outlay for dress by £5. In 1767 
Susannah Hazard, well-to-do likewise, multiplied her hus- 
band's apparel to six or seven times the cost before my 

52 Robinson, " Hazard Family," p. 65. 



1776] The Position of Woman 315 

lady was satisfied. She simply adumbrated the coming 
woman. 

The old South County loses its characteristics and dis- 
tinctive features as we leave slavery ; its farmers inclining 
by necessity to ways of living according with the other 
parts of the state. The colonial history and manifesta- 
tion of this bit of territory and peculiar field of social 
expression will always interest students of humanity. 



CHAPTER X 

REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 1763-1785 

We left the town of Providence in 1762, developing a 
vigorous commerce. Daniel Jenckes, Nathan Angell, 
Nicholas Power and other merchants were engaged in the 
trade to the West Indies, also exchanging across to Nan- 
tucket, Boston, and down the Atlantic coast.* The lead- 
ing merchants in control of capital and influence were 
the four brothers Brown. Their uncle Obadiah died in 
1762, but he had gradually withdrawn from active af- 
fairs, leaving the business to the younger generation. 
The nephew Moses having married his cousin, inherited 
Obadiah's estate. In 1758, one-half the spermaceti can- 
dle manufactory, 1 including lot, houses, fencing, etc., 
with one-half the sloop Charming Molly, had been con- 
veyed to Nicholas and John Brown for £6782.8.10. 
Old Tenor. Annexed to the business of Nicholas Brown 
& Co. were the operations of Nicholas and John Brown. 
John was by far the most enterprising and sagacious of 
the family, and his bold spirit finally separated him from 
Nicholas. An account of Nicholas and John's " Stock in 
Trade " interests and shows the methods of the day. 
Navigation at sea in -g, £ and f shares comprised £37579. 
In addition § Sloop Charles or Molley was worth £5,657. 
Rum in the works was £1,333. Spermaceti, oil and Nan- 
tucket account was £21,500. Sundry items carried the 

* East Greenwich ran the sloop Industry to Nantucket, and 
the Betsey to James River, Norfolk, Richmond. 

i This factory was built by Obadiah at India Point in 1753. He 
worked 300 bbls. headmatter the first year. 

316 



1765] West Indian Commerce 317 

total to £90,517. Very interesting is the conveyance to 
Nicholas Brown & Co. of the Sloop Four Bros, charged 
over in 1763, for this vessel had a long career. Her cost 
in all items for building, including plank, spars, wages, 
anchors, etc., was £3351.16. In 1765 Abraham Whipple, 
afterward Commodore, and author of the famous apoth- 
egm to Wallace, " Catch a rebel before you hang him," was 
her Master, and his accounts with letters, were written 
as well, as his speech was ready in revolutionary time. 
He took the sloop to Barbados, receiving £35 per month 
and a " privilege " of 8 hhds. of sugar or molasses. He 
had 5% commission on sales of the outward cargo, 2^% 
on the return, and an additional commission of 2^% on 
the cargo of another vessel, the Brigg George. 

Nov. 9, 1765, Nicholas Power was instructed to pro- 
ceed to Surinam and receive the Four Bros, and go to 
Barbados. If he should find Captain Esek Hopkins 
there in " our Brigg Sally " he was to advise: " And if he 
Sels his Slaves there, Loao} your sloop with some of the 
effects." 2 Power was to follow Captain Hopkins to get 
rum, sugar, etc. ?j 

James Burrough Mr. sailed her to " Mounte Christo 
in 1766, and the details of the Portage Bill are curious. 
The Master had £35 per month, privilege of 6 hhds. 110 
g. each, and his commission of 5%. The Mate had £55, 
and 3 hhds. 300 g. each. The Cooper, an important per- 
sonage, got £70, with one hhd. 110 g. Two « marriners " 
received each £50, and privilege of 4 bbls. 31| g. Obvi- 
ously, the solid privilege of freighting molasses was rela- 
tively more valuable than Old Tenor bills of fluctuating 

standards. 

An example of secondary exchanges— as we may term 
them— appears in the Four Bros.' voyage to St. 

2 Nicholas Brown & Co., MS. 



318 Revolutionary Period 

John's, Newfoundland, in 1763. Here Nicholas Power 
was her merchant or factor, having " privilege " of 28 
" Kentles " fish with 5% commission on outward cargo 
and &|% on returns. Prices for guidance in purchasing 
returns were £17 or £18 per quintal for dry fish, £60 per 
bbl. for Irish beef, 12s. for Irish butter, £3 for Geese 
feathers and 50s. per lb. for waterfowl do. Bills of ex- 
change at 31 for 1, and the Sloop might be sold for £420 
sterling exchange. We would like to know how much 
Irish butter was actually eaten in New England. Possi- 
bly this was intended for reshipment to the West Indies. 
In 1764-5 the tight little sloop, with the social name, made 
a voyage to Boston and Marblehead. It will be observed 
in the history of every vessel that strong efforts were 
made, through " privilege " and commission, to interest 
both officers and sailors in the profit of the smallest trans- 
actions of the owners. 

Esek Hopkins, noted above as cruising with slaves in the 
West Indies, was to become the first admiral of the Ameri- 
can navy, and was one of the most interesting characters 
of the mid-century in our colony. Skillful in his profes- 
sion and of great fighting power, he was not as fortunate 
in concurrent circumstances as his brother Stephen. 
True, he had not the genius and scientific knowledge of 
Paul Jones, but he was a good officer. Mistakes were 
inevitable in those crude beginnings, while sectional jeal- 
ousies contributed to complicate the results of Hopkins' 
action and to bring about only partial success. 

An enterprising and successful privateer, we get an oc- 
casional glimpse of this hardy navigator in peaceful com- 
merce. In 1746, he sold f of the Charming Molly to 
James Brown, " distiller," for £168.15. lawful money. In 
1756, he sold Nicholas Brown, " distiller," a negro lad or 
boy slave. Writing to Nicholas Brown & Co. from Suri- 



1767] Hardy Esek Hopkins 319 

nam, in 1767, the gallant tar gives a clear and candid 
opinion of the ways of trade in the tropics, having been 
delayed in dispatching a sloop by deceit of the mer- 
chants. 3 " I bleve thair is more Honnor and Honesty in 
so many Highway men in England than in the marchants 
of this place." The times " Luckes Dull for me at pres- 
ent." 

Providence dealt somewhat in slaves, though it did not 
equal Newport or even Bristol in the traffic. Governor 
Hopkins stated officially that prior to 1764 Newport sent 
to the West Coast of Africa annually 18 vessels carrying 
1800 hhds. of rum. French brandies had been displaced 
on the Coast by rum after 1723. Commerce in rum and 
slaves afforded about £40,000 per an. to Newport for 
remittance to London. 22 still-houses were located there, 
consuming molasses costing generally 13d. to 14d. in the 
West Indies. 

The commerce with the West Indies took out the prod- 
uce of Rhode Island and such surplus merchandise as the 
exchanges with our own coast afforded. Candles and 
rum were constant staples. The Islands made rum, but 
the cheaper distillation of New England was wanted to 
send to Africa. Captain Esek Hopkins in the Brig 
Sally signed a Bill of Lading in 1766, which is an example 
of an outward cargo ; consisting of hoops, staves, sperm 
candles, beeswax, oil, beef and pork, ship bread, tar, tur- 
pentine, flour, rice for the Windward Islands. Of the 
hoops 1-25 belonged to Captain Hopkins, and 1-10 of 
the oil. Jonathan Peck, of Bristol, bought for Nicholas 
Brown & Co. six or seven Surinam horses ; that being a 
customary shipment. 

An interesting item shows methods of building vessels 
in 1768 for this trade. Barnard Eddy contracts with 

3 Nicholas Brown & Co. MS. 



320 Revolutionary Period 

John Brown to build a sloop of 84 tons at 8 dollars per 
ton, one-quarter to be paid in molasses at Is. 6d. lawful 
money on demand, one-quarter in molasses in one month, 
one-quarter in goods on demand at common retail prices. 
The remaining quarter in goods on delivery of the vessel. 
Provisions mentioned were 6 cwt. pork at 3d. per lb., 1000 
lbs. beef at 2d., 35 bu. corn at 3s. Brown was to furnish 
spikes to launch, but " no Tallow nor RUM." 

Sloop George made two voyages in 1763 to Surinam 
and Mount Christo, which caused an outlay of £36,358. 
One voyage was £12,581, comprising about £2000 in flour, 
about £6100 in candles, and £250 in Nantucket beef, 
with an assortment of small items. At Surinam, Jacob 
Bogman gives a very curious picture of the wants of a 
planter and the manner of supplying them from a more 
temperate clime. He orders for his " Plantagion " ■§ bbl. 
best country fed pork, 1 bbl. good mess beef, 1 do. good 
flour, 1 bbl. mackerel, 1 " kentle Dom fish," 1 hhd. codfish, 
1 do. tobacco, both for negroes, all sorts garden seeds 
" Time and Sawori." In live stock, he calls for a large 
bull, two cows and two two-year-old heifers, to be spotted 
black and white, if possible. Six or more " wile Gees, two 
peekoks, six tame gees, one dozen Duks." 

Some reports of the hardy captains are not only inter- 
esting, but pathetic in their revelation of toil and suffer- 
ing. Captain John Peck, bound for St. Eustatia, under- 
went a tremendous gale. An immense wave " sot us Rite 
on end." The whole cargo moved forward about two feet. 
The only way to save their lives was " to pump and Liten 
the vessel." They threw overboard 40 boxes of can- 
dles. " You may say why did you throw over so Sealable 
an article. But Remember Skin for Skin and all that a 
man hath will he give for his Life." 

Among the marvels of domestic intercourse may be cited 



1767] The Tobacco Trade 321 

the situation July 16, 1770. John Watts of New York 
had been taking West Indian goods from N. Brown & Co. 
But he notified " our Treaty " must end, for molasses 
could be bought cheaper in Quebec than it could be im- 
ported. 

Rhode Island now raised tobacco in large quantities, 
and it was an important factor in the West Indian 
trade. Sept. 30, 1766, there appeared to be an over sup- 
ply. An agreement 4 was made that Nicholas Brown & 
Co. might ship 75000 lbs., D. Jenckes & Son with E. Hop- 
kins might ship 45,000 lbs., N. Angell and Job Smith 35,- 
000 in three or more vessels consigned to Esek Hopkins. 
Sales to be made jointly, and any tobacco lost at sea was 
to be treated pro rata. The matter was to be kept secret 
and the West Indian price maintained until February 1, 
following. They hoped to buy all the tobacco in the colony. 
October 19, it was further agreed between the Browns, 
Jenckes and Angell, not to give directly or indirectly more 
than 5s. O. T. at six months for the whole quantity raised. 
If payment should be anticipated, ten per cent, should be 
deducted. February 2, 1767, there was too much tobacco 
on hand for Surinam, for a twelve months' shipment ; 
Jenckes & Son having 116,000 lbs., N. Brown & Co. 120,- 
000 lbs., Angell and Smith 30,000 lbs. The parties were 
to ship pro rata for 12 months. If more should be bought 
" that is now grown " the same rule was to apply. 

In 1767 and the years following, agitation for improve- 
ment in the town of Providence showed the increasing 
prosperity. Brick houses of good design had been built 
from the wealth acquired during the Spanish war. The 
local improvements were chilled by the gloom of the year 
1772. The town did not advance materially until after 
the Revolution. 

4 Nicholas Brown & Co. MS. 



322 Revolutionary Period 

The inventories 5 show gradually increasing comfort in 
living. In 1762, the widow Mehitable Carpenter, with a 
personal estate of £1287, expended £104*. 16 in wearing 
apparel. Silver plate — spoons at least — in moderate quan- 
tity', was in all good homes, and twelve <; Baker " (beaker) 
glasses showed a well served table. She had a large look- 
ing gass at £100. Osenbrig towels and Russia diaper 
napkins indicated the varying kinds of napery. Three 
small bound books and three pamphlets at £3 are evidence 
of the good lady's narrow reading. 

Benjamin Hunt, with an estate about £10,000, put the 
value of the widow's mirror into two examples at £70 and 
£30. He had clothes worth £127, and carried a watch at 
£100. At home his mahogany case of drawers stood for 
£110, and there was £275.16 in " wrought plate." Two 
wigs 6 and the box cost £25. His clock and case was val- 
ued at £220; nine beds and bedsteads £1100, including 
one at £310. He drove out accordingly with a horse at 
£175, in his best riding chair at £160, or in another at 
£100. In three saddles £68, was invested. Altogether a 
sprightly man for the time. 

The citizens bought these articles along " Cheapside," 
as the way above Market Square was called. The Square 
had not come as yet, for a long dock still opened there. 
Below was the " town wharf," on the western side of the 
ancient river bed and flats, while a bridge only eighteen 

s Probate Rec. MS. Prov., V., 363, et seq. 

6 The wig was a serious matter. Simeon Thayer, afterward dis- 
tinguished in the Revolution, advertised from the Sign of the Hat, 
at the North end in 1763: " Bagwigs, paste, brigadiers, scratch dress 
and Tye wigs," and he was assisted by Michael Cummings, late of 
London. The rivalry of T. Healy speaks out in his self-glorifica- 
tion. He " cuts, curls, frizzes gentlemen's and ladies' hair and en- 
grafts a tail." " He engages to give the ladies equal satisfaction 
with any London hair cutter in Providence." 



1768] The Providence Gazette 323 

feet wide, with creaking draw, 7 afforded passage for 
travel, both domestic and foreign. The classic whipping- 
post near by, amid heaps of stones and rubbish, adorned 
these early street prospects. Severity of punishment was 
hard enough in Rhode Island, though the locality was 
more humane than its time. In 1766, Joseph Hart, a 
stout, able-bodied man, was advertised for sale at auction, 
being sentenced to serve three years for stealing; the 
prosecutors to pay costs. 

Providence Gazette, June 25, 1767, describes the whip- 
ping of a convict sold for one year for stealing. " Yells 
of the patient " confirmed the conscientious work of the 
constable. Strangely, such barbarity lasted until about 
1830, according to Dorr. 

Along the north side of the present Square was a row 
of old wooden houses with heavy projecting gables. The 
eastern steep bank rose high enough for an aristocratic 
outlook, and there lived Dr. Ephraim Bowen and Geo. 
Jenckes. Next, Daniel Abbott's Inn entertained travel- 
ers. In 1768, the Providence Gazette passed to John 
Carter, ancestor of John Carter Brown, the well-known 
literary benefactor. 

Specie brought difficulties of its own as well as paper 
money in those rough times. Captain Falconer came up 
the Bay in Corry's boat with 83 chests money, and " no 
carts to be had in town." James Doggett, living near 
the meeting house in " Seconck," procured 5 carts. Dog- 
gett was efficient in the frequent freighting by wagons to 
Boston. 

Eccentric signs — an inheritance from old England — 
everywhere prevailed, and must have affected both the 
education of youth and the daily life of grown-up per- 
sons. The intelligent " Elephant," just above Steeple 

7 Dorr, Planting & Growth, p. 201. 



324 Revolutionary Period 

Street, beckoned the multitude to James Green's whole- 
sale and retail stock of " Braziery and Piece goods, rum, 
indigo and tea." Most traders kept a like medley. Jere- 
miah Fones Mason, royalist and Free Mason, had the 
greatest array of fancy goods, " silks, linen, scarlet and 
blue broadcloths." He bought the property across the 
Bridge, next beyond that of the Providence Washington 
Insurance Co., and died rich in 1812. Joseph and Wil- 
liam Russell dealt largely in 1762, at " the sign of the 
Golden Eagle," near the Court House. Clark (John 
Innes) and Nightingale were their greatest rivals. The 
house of Col. Nightingale on Benefit Street later passed to 
John Carter Brown. Richard Olney kept an inn at the 
sign of the " Crown," a two-storied house of wood, two 
doors above the Court House. The Town Council occa- 
sionally met there. July 11, 1767, Thomas Sabine ran a 
stage coach thence to Boston on Tuesdays ; the weekly 
trips gradually increased the business. Hacker ran a 
sloop to Newport every day, collecting 9d. fare. Great- 
est of these condensed memorials of the time, retained in 
the conservative Plantations after they were abandoned 
elsewhere, was " Turk's Head," that bent " his grim and 
frowning aspect," according to Dorr, for fifty years at 
the corner of Town Street and Market Square. Then he 
was removed to Whitman Corner, across the Bridge where 
the highway divided. In 1815, the tremendous gale 
swept away and buried him in the Cove. The whimsical 
Moslem survives in the name of the busiest spot in a 
growing city. 

The assured place of the merchant, as distinguished 
from the casual trader, was illustrated in the case of the 
Browns. Nicholas and John had stores and offices on 
Town Street, below the Square, but no symbolic signs. 
Inferior traders, not noted in themselves, advertised as 



1768] Quaint Sign-Boards 325 

near some prominent sign like the " Bunch of Grapes." 
John Adams, attorney, used this custom in advertising 
himself " near Silas Downer, graduate of Harvard," in- 
asmuch as Adams was reinforcing his professional work 
by writing letters for ignorant correspondents. In 1763, 
there were few shops on the West side. The Town Coun- 
cil migrated across occasionally, from motives of policy, 
meeting at Luke Thurston's inn under the sign of the 
" Brigantine." About 1763, James Angell's " distill- 
house " was still working on the land now occupied by the 
First Baptist Church. 

It was one of the grievances of Providence that 
all vessels had to be entered at Newport. Before the 
Revolution, the town had no custom-house and only a 
" Surveyor of the King's Customs." To D. VanHorn 
in New York, N. B. & Co., say there is but little silver 
and gold passing in the colony. They ship to " settled 
correspondents " in the neighboring colonies, sperm can- 
dles, oil, rum, molasses, etc., to raise hard money for the 
sperm business. Also they desire returns in New York 
produce. 

For the manners and customs of these people, we must 
consult their inventories. In 1763, John Dexter, 8 with 
moderate estate, had a fair domestic outfit with £92. in 
pewter. His wardrobe was £258; but he had one pair 
gold buttons, sixteen silver buttons, four buckles and a 
tooth pick, costing altogether £46. He expended £4.15. 
in a band buckle, a pair for his shoes, one pair brass but- 
tons and three silver links. A cane stood at £5.12. One 
right in " the Library " was valued at £80, and a cow at 
£75 ; almost a parity of milk and learning. 

The widow Deborah Baster had a comparatively small 
estate, spending £149, for dress and £74, for pewter ware. 

s Probate Rec. Prov. Ms. V. 369. 



326 Revolutionary Period 

But she had 82 gold beads — 5 pwt. 8 grains — valued at 
£32.13, and silver plate, including a cup, at £418. Dr. 
John Bass gives us an example of the few private libra- 
ries. Sermons to the number of sixty-four, pamphlets 
and five magazines were appraised at £10. The medical 
collection, including five lexicons and Bailey's dictionary, 
was worth £106.10. In general literature amounting to 
£138.15, were many theological works, Paradise Lost, 
Tate & Brady, Iliad, Euclid, Milton's Latin Works, at 
£20. Night Thoughts, Pope's Essays, Thompson's Sea- 
sons, Pascal, Butler's Analogy. The book case was £14. 
After his theology and necessary medicine, the worthy 
doctor indulged in some poetic visions. 

In 1764, Samuel Angell, having a fine estate, left six 
Bannister back chairs at £18, six do. inferior at £12, and 
a round back chair at £2. There were six chocolate 
bowls at £6, pewter at £69, plenty of China, and no sil- 
ver, which was unusual. He was of the family of distil- 
lers, and in the " Distill House " was 248 g. rum and 
" Low wines " equal to 116 galls, more. We have an 
anonymous set of tools for block making at £500, and a 
stock of the lignum vitae wood at £500. A coffee mill 
at £10, and the very singular item " six turtle shell 
plates" at £3.12. 

We must give a little patience to the account of John 
Martin in 1765, for detailed items of male and female 
apparel are rare. One Duroy coat £1, " Calimink " 
jacket 10s, plush breeches 9s, coat 24s, a full cloth great 
coat 28s, old do. 8s, Fustian Jacket 4s, flannel do. 2s, 3 
pair trowsers 9s, 3 checked shirts 9s, 1 Holland shirt 6s, 
2 frocks 3s, stockings, yarn and thread 5s, one female 
callico gown 14s, 2 small frocks 4s. 6d, 1 shirt 4s. 6d, 1 
checked apron 2s. 6d, 1 silk and cotton handkerchief 2s. 

James Brown had a silver tankard in 48| oz. of plate. 



1770] A Large Library 327 

Gold rings, and sometimes buttons of the same metal ap- 
pear. These rings had become more frequent in the half 
century past, and one with a " Cizers Chane " stood at 
16s. 6d. Most inventories contained a few books. Lydia 
Wheaton, a maiden, probably, had three gowns at 15s. 
each, 1 long cloak 8s, 1 short do. and hood 8s, bonnet and 
shade 9s, linen and handkerchiefs 15s, 2 petticoats £1.4, 
1 man's coat £1.4. ; and £20.15 in pewter ware, China 
and delph bowls. In another case silver plate, including 
7 spoons, 2 shoe and 1 knee buckles 9-| oz. 20 grains, was 
valued at £84.16 lawful money. A cooper had an estate 
of £99.8, with wearing apparel at £8.8, a watch at £4, 
and f of sloop Industry at £45. 

A few slaves appear here and there ; in 1769 two negro 
women and their bedding at £90. As an example of the 
demised effects of the poor classes a " mariner " in an es- 
tate of £258.11 had £5.16 in wearing apparel. A modest 
array of " Chaney " pewter and a block tin tea pot stood 
at 4s, while wooden plates, a bread tray and bowl figured 
at 3s ; there was a small quantity of earthen ware. 

Very fortunate was the preservation of the list of John 
Merrett's books July 17, 1770 ; 9 the largest library re- 
corded in this time. We cite 2 vols. Chambers' Dictionary 
£3, 5 vols. Bayle's do. £5, 3 vols. Tillotson's Sermons 
£1.16, 2 vols. Temple's Works £1.10, Taylor's Christ 3s. 
6d, Lawrence's Agriculture 6s, Shettlewell Belief 3s, Des- 
sieu Painting and Drawing 18s, Rennet's History of 
England 4s. The above are folio editions ; we follow with 
quartos. Bacon's Philosophical Works, 3 vols. £1.10, 
Boerhave Chmistry 12s, 5 vols. Atlas Geography 30s, 6 
vols. Mayher Brittania 39s, 1 vol. Wollaston Religion of 
Nature 4s. 6d, 1 vol. Herodotus 5s, 2 vols. Spanish and 
French Dictionary 6s, 2 old Bibles 9s, 1 vol. in paper, 

9 MS. Probate Rec, Prov., V., 517. 



328 Revolutionary Period 

Pemperton on Newton 20 vols. Ancient History £4, 40 
vols. Modern £8, 8 vols. Plutarch's Lives 32s, 4 vols. Pre- 
dux Connections 12s, 3 vols. Luckford 9s, 15 vols. Smol- 
lett History of England £3, 3 vols. Howel History of the 
Bible 9s, Caesar's Commentaries 3s, 1 vol. Dr. Taylor 3s, 
1 vol. Sherlock 6s. 

These two divisions comprised about 130 vols. ; in 
addition were some 170 vols., including 10 vols. Lon- 
don Magazine, 8 vols. Shakespeare's Plays, Classics, 
Plutarch's Morals, Pope's Iliad, Paradise Lost, Don 
Quixote, History Massachusetts Bay, Hutchinson's His- 
tory, Spectator, Waller, Prior, Telemachus, Cowley, Con- 
greve and the Dramatists, Bailey's Dictionary, Thomson. 
In considering values, it is embarassing that Lawful 
Money and Old Tenor standards are both used and not 
specified. His personal estate was £3205. 

The public library had circulated for nearly twenty 
years, and probably while this collection was being 
formed. The collection shows the influence of books and 
the spirit of culture, which was laying the virtual foun- 
dations of Brown University. Gabriel Bernon's " learned 
men " 10 of 1820 had studied the Bible and formed their 
own opinions, which were to be voiced and exercised in the 
life of the new American citizen, by men like Stephen 
Hopkins. Now, the literary spirit and use of the printed 
word were taking effect to form the men of the Revolu- 
tion. Merrett's classics even were not selected in the old- 
fashioned exclusive way. The historic range was en- 
larged, and the reader assimilated matter more, as his 
reading extended. 

Do not imagine that the simple eighteenth century — 
though destitute of steam-rails, electric machinery, stock- 
tickers and curb brokers — did not comprehend or apply 

io Ante, p. 209. 



1770] An Old-Time Trust 329 

any of the mechanism of modern civilization. Rockefeller 
and Carnegie were unborn, but sharp calculators with 
long heads existed even in those days. What says the 
reader to a full iron-bound trust in sperm oil? In 1763, 
a solid agreement made " all Headmatter brought into 
North America one common Stock or Dividend," 1J who- 
ever owned the vessels importing it. It was divided between 
ten manufacturers ; Nicholas Brown & Co. getting 20 
bbls. in each 100; Palmer, 14; Robinson of Nantucket, 
13 ; " the Philadelphians," 7, etc. The Jews of Newport 
were among the contractors. If any forfeited their share 
"by such dishonorable conduct" (minutely specified), it 
was divided pro rata. It was agreed to pay only ten 
pounds sterling per ton for headmatter, above the price of 
" body brown sperm oil," to be fixed by merchants of 
Boston according to the London market. They frowned 
on more spermaceti works " because present are more than 
sufficient." The arrangement was renewed from year to 
year until 1769, when the unit was changed from 100 gal- 
lons to one hhd. 112 gallons, the proportionate shares 
being the same. The Philadelphians dropped out and 
George Rome, of Newport and Narragansett, afterward 
the famous Tory, took a share of 12 8-10 gallons. 

Titles, the marks of recognized honor, the familiar ex- 
pression of rank and reputation — though not established 
by authority — were the mode in this century ; when cus- 
tomary, they were strictly used in designating and address- 
ing citizens. Often, we cannot perceive the method of 
application, but the impressive force of the dignity pro- 
claims itself. They were sometimes cumulative, as if dig- 
nity could be augmented by prescription. An example 
appears in Furnace Hope on the Pawtuxet, organized in 

ii Nicholas Brown & Co MS. 



330 Revolutionary Period 

1765, and which was to cast cannon in the Revolution. 
The organization revealed the scale of rank among the 
promoters, as it prevailed then. Stephen Hopkins, " Es- 
quire," was of the first part ; his only appellation, and he 
alone had that title. Of the second part, were the four 
brothers Brown, called " merchants," Israel Wilkinson of 
Smithfield, " worker of iron," Job Hawkins of Coventry, 
" physician^" Caleb Arnold of Smithfield, " yeoman." 

This manufacture of iron was of the greatest service to 
the colony and state. In the fourth blast, 1770, the com- 
missions and expenses to N. Brown & Co. were £139. 
The net profit of the blast was £1157. In the seventh 
blast, 1773, net profit was £80, on the overturn of £3,946. 
Expenses and commissions were £150. Interest for £360, 
on value of estate £6,000. 1,091 tons ore were used, 384 
tons pigs were on hand. The " piggs " were constantly 
wanted for ballast, Lopez and the Newport Jews, with 
others, appearing as purchasers. Captain Esek Hop- 
kins was ordered to get information of the kinds of cast 
iron needed in the Islands. The iron went to London — 
fifteen tons at once to Hayley & Hopkins — and the con- 
signees always insisted on certificates to show the " Planta- 
tion manufacture." At Bristol, England, Henry Cruger, 
in 1769, having sold Hope Pigs for £168, at 5fo com- 
mission, would advance £3 per ton on any quantity. At 
this time exchange on London from New York was 70 to 
72-J%. The meeting, May 30, 1767, shows some inter- 
esting methods in conducting a manufacturing business. 
John Brown was going westward and was to get an ex- 
perienced Founder and Refiner to adapt the pigs for ship- 
ment " home." Jabez Bowen was to go eastward for " 8 
tonage, Ward Moulders and Atherton, Moulder of 
Bakepans." The moulders and laborers were to receive 
£ money and f goods. If possible " all business was to 



1770] Barter Instead of Money 331 

be done without any money." The " fine ore only " was 
to be used for hollow ware. The Furnace also stimulated 
domestic trade. Peter Oliver, Middleborough, Mass., 
had sent Nicholas Brown & Co. good hoops, and could not 
receive some poor pigs in exchange. To Norwich, Ct., 
there were sent potash kettles, pearl-ash pans and four 
iron bars. Exchanges of merchandise, with Philadelphia, 
Virginia and Charleston were of vital importance to 
Rhode Island. The Southern ports took candles, rum, oil 
and iron, returning flour, corn, rice, etc. Our favorite 
sloop Four Bros, on one voyage from the Pamunkey 
River, Va. (whose banks the present writer afterward pa- 
trolled with a field battery) brought 8 cwt. barrel staves, 
10 bbls. flour, 2,058 bushels Indian corn. Archibald 
Gary had a forge in Virginia and took 58 tons of pig 
iron at once. He manufactured flour also. It was cus- 
tomary to ship candles, iron, etc., and take Virginia prod- 
uce after some six months' credit. In an earlier transac- 
tion, 12 boxes sperm candles were sent to South Carolina, 
the value to be returned in beeswax at 6s. 9d. " Dear- 
skins " or other goods. 

The repeal of the Stamp Act in 1765 was joyfully re- 
ceived in our colony. The new measures for British taxa- 
tion in 1767 were detested in the same degree. The grow- 
ing spirit of resistance revealed itself in 1769, by the first 
overt act of colonial rebellion. 13 The British armed sloop 
Liberty brought two Connecticut vessels suspected of il- 
licit trade into Newport harbor. The sloop was boarded 
from the shore, scuttled and sunk and the traders escaped. 

The popular mind was being prepared by these overt 

acts for the rebellion and revolution which was g*atherino\ 

Taverns were not politically so important as earlier in the 

century, when they were the only places where people 

is Brigham, p. 221. 



332 Revolutionary Period 

could meet. Now, Joseph Olney dedicated a great elm 
in front of his tavern as a " Liberty Tree." An oration 
was delivered advocating the patriotic cause. 

Stephen Hopkins prevailed in local politics over Sam- 
uel Ward, in 1757, as has been noted. The growth of 
Providence in the decade succeeding had been remarkable. 
Commerce was nearly doubled, with trade and manufac- 
tures increased in proportion. 14 This was coincidental 
rather than essentially political. There was revival of 
the old agitation in 1767, when the supporters of Hopkins 
were again under the Shibboleth of " Seekers of Peace " 
inscribed on their proxies. Certainly, the prospect of 
difference with Great Britain tended to pacify local poli- 
tics. Providence was much interested in this canvass, and 
the account of contributions for " sinews of war " is a 
vital document. 15 The subscription was over $1,600, the 
four brothers contributing $100 each. Nicholas Cook 
and Nathan Angell the same, Jabez Bowen, Jr., Daniel 
and John Jenckes gave $50 each, Abraham Whipple, 
Daniel Tillinghast, Obadiah Sprague and many of the 
best citizens of Providence contributed. The money was 
disbursed in £, probably Old Tenor. To " Glocester " 
£24, Warren £68, Coventry £1040, Scituate £120, West 
Greenwich £11.5, Johnson £200, North Kingstown £800, 
East Greenwich, £320, North Providence £104, Bristol 
£212. There was paid out for proxies £160. Abraham 
Whipple carried to Wanton at Newport $60. Nicholas 
Brown & Co. kept the accounts in the scrupulous method 
used in all their affairs. Rum, sugar, a few nails, cloth 
for breeches, etc., were charged. A small, quaint receipt 
for one-third of a dollar shows that John Brown paid the 
town tax of J. Jones. 

14 Brigham, p. 614. 

is Nicholas Brown & Co. MS. 



1770] The College Comes to Providence 333 

The embers of these political disputes were not extin- 
guished, but continued to affect the social movements of 
the time. Rhode Island College had been founded under 
President Manning at Warren in 1764. Its first class of 
seven was graduated in 1769, containing James Mitchell 
Varnum, whose single career would have justifed such an 
institution. A constitutional lawyer, his argument in the 
Trevett vs. Weeden case in 1786 helped Marshall in the 
judicial establishment of the constitution of the United 
States. The college was moved to Providence and Uni- 
versity Hall was built in 1770, after great struggles on 
the part of Newport to obtain it. This issue was another 
mark of the turn of the tide of culture from the southern 
part to the more slowly developed northern portion of our 
state. John Brown laid the cornerstone and was Treas- 
urer of the Corporation for many years. The name was 
not changed to Brown University until a generation later, 
when Nicholas, the son of Nicholas, became a benefactor. 

We have alluded to differences between Nicholas and 
John Brown. In 1770 John made an offer for a division 
of their joint properties. Nicholas would not cause a 
" Break among brothers, who in the eye of the world have 
lived in unity." Not convinced and holding his opinion, 
" I accept." Moses made up the books, and with Joseph, 
adjusted the valuations, including " all interesting matter 
for the division of our father's estate." John accepted 
from Nicholas £150, lawful money, " for what your house 
and furniture cost more than mine, also for my extra 
servises in doing the business, etc." In 1774, Moses with- 
draws from Nicholas Brown & Co., recommending " con- 
tinuance of the division to Nicholas and Joseph. At that 
time N. Brown & Co. owned f and John Brown £ of the 
spermaceti works. Nicholas laid the cornerstone of the 
Market House — an important public improvement — and 



334 Revolutionary Period, 

was much respected by his fellow citizens. Prudent, ac- 
quisitive, methodical, he was a fine counterpoise to John, 
with his " magnificent projects," in the future Revolution- 
ary ventures. 

A letter of Col. J. Wanton, Jr., 16 from Newport, while 
the discussion for locating the college was going on, re- 
veals influences working beneath the surface of society. 
Increased subscriptions at Providence in his opinion would 
" Counter Ballance any advantage they may Desire from 
their present Clamour against me and mine in a Political 
Light. I view it in no other light than as the expiring 
efforts of a Disappointed Envious Cabal." Nicholas 
Easton had " been made to offer " land valued by him at 
£6000, O. T. for the College. In another letter Wanton 
is very spicy commenting on the Newport politicians. 
" The Zeal (or rather Fury) — of the two brothers (re- 
specting the College) is near blown out. S. W. (Samuel 
Ward) still in town, either " Governor or Colledge mak- 
ing, perhaps both." This was written to John Brown. 

We may note that the practice of maturing Madeira 
wine by trans-shipment through tropical seas had begun 
in those days. George Rome at Newport praised his 
" excellent particular " sent through West Indies for im- 
provement." The cost in Madeira was £33, starting in 
1770. He was sure " if war ensues " the price would ad- 
vance. 

Nicholas Brown & Co. prosecuted whaling with their 
other interests. Nantucket was the center of the indus- 
try, but the general commerce of Providence gave espe- 
cial opportunity for some profitable ventures. Warren, 
Bristol and Newport likewise participated. We get de- 
tails in 1769, when the Sloop Betsey brought home head- 
matter and oil — the catch of " our three sloops " for the 

is Nicholas Brown & Co. MS. 




B 

o 



1770] Mutual Division of Profits 335 

year. The headmatter amounted to £155.4 sterling; the 
oil to £315.10. Captain Wass received for his 1-17 share 
£27.13.9; the mate for 1-20, £23.10.8; Coddinda for 
1-26, £18.2. Chippe for 1-28, £16.16.3; Covel 1-38, 
£12.7. 9. Eight others 1-34 and f each, £13.11.6. The 
officers and crew received for their part £207.2.3, and 
the vessel or owners had £263.11.9. The figures are all 
in sterling and show the famous " lay " system of divid- 
ing returns. Surplus oil was exported to London, and 
John Relfe, of Philadelphia, asked a price for 1000 bbls. 
sperm. He would send his ships loaded with bread and 
flour to Nantucket, if he were certain of the oil for Lon- 
don. An order to the Sloop Defiance in 1770, was to 
cruise 100 to 150 leagues west of the Western Islands. 
She was expected home in six months or sooner. 

N. Brown & Co.'s business was both manufacturing and 
commercial; each part forwarding the whole, as in pro- 
duction and exchange, each supported the other. The 
manufacture of candles and oil was greatly assisted by 
the operation of Furnace Hope. As in 1770, Mr. Rotch 
of New Bedford would send headmatter and wanted ten 
tons pig iron at once — on freight or purchase — for a ves- 
sel to London. 

Considerable business in whaling was done from 1772 
to 1774, and in the latter year we get the Portage Bill 
of the Sloop Defiance for her cruise. John Bassett, Mas- 
ter, had 1-17 ; Moses Joy, Mate, 1-21 ; two " endsmen " 
1-28 and 1-30 ; J. H. Green, Cooper, 1-33 ; three sailors, 
1-34 and f each ; Joshua Day, " green hand," 1-40. 

The Lottery, generally an important function in local 
business, was greatly used in promoting the building of 
the Market House. Tickets were negotiated with corre- 
spondents in the country and in the districts of eastern 
Connecticut. As far away as Lynn, sales appear in fre- 



336 Revolutionary Period 

quent items. More important are the effects of the incip- 
ient division of labor. Silvanus Hussey of Lynn asks N. 
B. & Co. to deliver in Boston 100 lbs. tea for 100 pairs 
women's shoes. 

The main current of commerce toward the West Indies 
kept its course, though it was somewhat affected by ap- 
prehensions of coming resistance to Great Britain. The 
burning of the British cruiser Gaspee in 1772 was the first 
act of organized resistance to Great Britain. It greatly 
incensed the home government. The fact that their rep- 
resentatives vainly tried in every way to obtain direct evi- 
dence against John Brown, Abraham Whipple and other 
offenders in this rebellious act, shows how the community 
of Providence, at the time, virtually agreed in opposing 
the British government. Gov. Wanton was instructed to 
arrest the offenders and send them to England for trial. 
But Chief Justice Hopkins, one of the boldest and most 
farseeing of all the American patriots, said : " I will 
neither apprehend any person by my own order, nor suffer 
any executive officers in the colony to do it." Hutchinson, 
the Tory of Massachusetts, proposed to annul the charter 
of Rhode Island. But Samuel Adams appealed for union, 
since " an attack upon the liberties of one colony was an 
attack upon the liberties of all." New England and Vir- 
ginia were seething with rebellion, and to no one belongs 
the whole credit of public movements, which were born out 
of the air. A committee of correspondence, Gov. Hop- 
kins, Daniel Jenckes and Nicholas Brown, had been ap- 
pointed as early as 1764. This system of committees was 
one of the greatest achievements in the art of self-govern- 
ment known to history. In these crucial times they per- 
formed by tacit consent, governmental duties, later as- 
sumed by the colonial legislatures. Let us remember this 
was a period of uncertainty. The final separation of the 



1770] Committees of Correspondence 337 

colonies was contemplated by few in the early acts of re- 
bellion. It will have been observed that in common trans- 
actions of trade, parties generally did not speak of ship- 
ping to England, but they sent goods " home." But 
Rhode Island made the " first explicit movement " 17 for a 
general congress in 1774. Two years after the " Boston 
Tea Party," tea was proscribed by the revolutionary pa- 
triots in 1775. In view of the social progress of tea for 
more than two centuries after this crisis, the utterance of 
the Providence Gazette March 4, is a fine bit of humor as 
well as a historic record of the visible course of the rebel- 
lion fast becoming a revolution. A bonfire was made in 
the Market Place of a tar barrel, of Lord North's speech 
and other inflammatory material. Into it was cast the 
" needless Herb, which for a long Time, hath been highly 
detrimental to our Liberty, Interest and Health." Lon- 
don's " five o'clock tea " has gone around the world in 
spite of the Gazette's general strictures. 

The negative Tory Gov. Wanton had been removed 
from office in 1775. Two months before the immoi'tal Dec- 
laration of Independence — in May, 1776— the General As- 
sembly of Rhode Island formally renounced allegiance, 
only six votes dissenting. By the Act, all legal documents 
were to be issued, not in the name of the crown or by 
royal authority, but in the name of the colony. This 
was the first formal act of independence in America. 18 July 
Fourth, the nation was born and the tocsin of war sounded 
forth to alarm the timid and stimulate the bold among 
the patriots. Commerce had been feeling the political 
disturbance for several years. Joseph Brown, of phi- 
losophic mind and aesthetic temperament, did not wholly 
accord with the commercial spirit of his brothers. He 

" Arnold II., 334. 

is Brigham, p, 232. and Cf. Foster, Hopkins II. 145. 



338 Revolutionary Period 

finally withdrew from the firm and became a professor in 
R. I. College. He conducted the building of the present 
First Baptist Church and designed the handsome structure 
of the Providence Bank. 

John Brown was a stormy petrel, suited to the times. 
His force of character as well as sagacious mercantile 
sense, was instantly ready for the bold ventures needed. 
Already, he had sent to the West Indies, broken into 
government warehouses, and seized gunpowder. This 
was a Gaspee aggression in another form. This powder 
arrived just too late at Bunker Hill, and was issued to 
the retiring troops. Jan. 20, 1776, while the nation was 
yet in parturition, he made a contract with the Secret 
Committee of Congress. 19 On this committee was Samuel 
Ward, Benjamin Franklin, Robert Morris and other great 
men. Nicholas Brown had one-third interest in John's 
contract. The merchants in these early agreements con- 
tracted virtually as agents for the government. The first 
voyages were to be for 36 tons gunpowder or saltpetre, or 
arms ; failing those, duck, oznabrigs etc., or gold and sil- 
ver. The Secret Committee Oct. 13, 1776, ordered goods 
delivered to Brig.-Gen. Mifflen Qr. Mr. Gen. Five % 
was to be paid to the Browns on outward purchases, £f% 
on sales abroad, 2^% on return purchases. A side light is 
thrown by their letter Mar. 22, 1776, to Thomas Boylston, 
escaped from " long Inhuman Confinement in the Town 
of Boston by Ministerial Tyranny." They reported their 
contract with the Secret Committee to import, and asked 
advice concerning the best ports in Europe for shipments. 
" No interest but the public good ; a small Commission 
for Transacting the Business." 

The schooner William, whose charter party was recorded 
May 7, went out April 12, 1776, " for account and risque " 

is N. Brown & Co. MS. 



1775] John Brown Agent for Congress 339 

of the Continental Congress. She carried white and brown 
sperm and whale oils, candles and codfish to " Bilbo " or 
any port in France or Spain. On the return voyage, she 
was instructed to try to get in back of Nantucket. 

The business with Congress was considerable, and in- 
cluded voyages of the sloop Polly to Eustacia, schooner 
William to Bilbo, brigg Happy Return to Nantz. Car- 
goes of powder, arms, blankets, etc., were specified. This 
appears by account with Robert Morris amounting to 
£12,652. John Brown received 20,000 dollars from the 
Committee as early as December, 1775. Nicholas and 
John's commissions were £632 and the final balance 
due them was £85.11. 

Trade with the West Indies was conducted along similar 
lines by merchants for their own account. Sloop Enter- 
prise voyaged from February to July, 1776, owned § by 
N. Brown, f by J. W. Russell, 2-8 by Gideon Young. 
Her orders called for small arms or brass field pieces as 
better than gunpowder. If sulphur could not be had, she 
might buy salt. As a final resort, she was to take flints, 
paper, rhubarb or cotton. She was to come in eastward 
by Bedford or by Long Island. July 19, her voyage 
was settled with £1403, profit to the owners. Sloop 
America, owned by three parties, Browns, Russels and 
Page, sailing from St. Croix, was chased three times, 
but outsailed all pursuers. Tobacco was her best mer- 
chandise, though she had as usual, boards and provisions. 
She divided to her owners in November after several voy- 
ages £287, in dry goods, hyson tea, duck and mostly rum. 
The sloop Sally, from St. Croix, was to bring powder — f 
cannon ^ pistol — or parts of guns, steel, coarse linens 
and other dry goods ; finally in alternative, good cotton, 
paper, 4 or 5 dozen packs large pins, Dutch gin, brandy. 

The pains and minute care of these merchants in fitting 



340 Revolutionary Period 

out a vessel is hardly comprehensible to-day. Laborers 
and sailors must be overlooked and the desires of the in- 
specting captains must be satisfied. Captain Avery's 
" nips," £1.0.3., nearly equalled his board on shore, £1.6. 
" Nips " of brandy grog and toddy at 6d. were frequently 
charged against the captains, as they looked after the 
loading of their vessels. 

Privateering whenever there was opportunity had been 
a great factor in the commerce of Rhode Island. It was 
said that in the French war, one-fifth of the adult males 
were serving on the privateers, 20 while one-seventh of the 
remainder were in the King's service on land. The sloop 
Banger was an example of many such adventures by the 
merchants of Providence. Nicholas Brown and six others, 
including Captain Wall, each owned 2-16; two others 
owned 1-16 each. Fitting her out cost £70.4 on the first 
cruise and £179.4 on the second. The risks were much sub- 
divided and the ventures were generally successful. Sloop 
Dimond, 1776, was owned ^ by Nicholas and ^ by 
John Brown ; Capt. Chase being part owner and the outfit 
costing £1485. She was to cruise off " Bermudose " Bay, 
by St. Anthony or Crooked Island Passage. To seize any 
vessel helping the enemies of the 13 colonies. To send 
prizes home by Vineyard and Buzzard's Bay. 

Some bits of humor come down from these encounters 
of private war. Men were in earnest and the fun was vi- 
tal. The schooner Felicity of East Greenwich, of 50 tons, 
commanded by Captain Gazzee, captured a large Eng- 
lish ship with a valuable cargo. John Bull dislikes defeat 
and when the prize was brought into the upper cove at 
Greenwich, her manly captain shed tears. He said he 
could have borne capture by a respectable force, " but to 
be taken by a d d old squaw in a hog-trough was more 

20 Arnold II. 217. 



1776] Compliment to Captain Gazzee 341 

than he could endure." Captain Gazzee was French with 
a very dark complexion, hence the compliment. 21 

The year 1776 witnessed the withdrawal of Stephen 
Hopkins from Congress. He had been very active in all 
the positive measures for effecting independence. His 
laborious life and waste of strength at last produced its 
natural effect, for his nervous system broke down. Since 
1770, he had been obliged to guide one hand with the 
other in writing. The tremulous characters justified his 
famous apothegm when he signed the Declaration, " The 
heart does not tremble." Certainly, a braver heart never 
animated a patriot. He partially retired from affairs, 
though he was an efficient and public-spirited citizen for 
years. 

As we approach the Revolution, personal expenditures 
for dress dimmish relatively. Negroes for domestic serv- 
ice, especially women, increase. Shoe, knee and band 
buckles of silver or other metal were used, almost univer- 
sally. Metallic buttons also increased. The table serv- 
ice was not much changed, though there were earthen 
porringers— for the use of negroes probably. It is hardly 
possible to get at values, as lawful money and currency 
are mixed, and often not specified, in the prices. 

Dr. Samuel Carew in 1773 22 gives us a glimpse of a 
professional outfit. His personal estate was £702, and 
wearing apparel £12. A pinchback watch at £6 was 
rather cheap for a person keeping a negro man at £30, 
and a " boy " at £50. His right in the Providence Li- 
brary was appraised at £3, while he had 30 vols, physic 
and surgery at £6, with 58 vols. Divinity, History, Trav- 
els, etc., at £7. Many small notes from £1.5. to £13, 
showing wide diffusion of credit. The furniture was re- 

2i Greene, East Greenwich, p. 251. 
22 Providence MS. Probate Rec, VJ. 



342 Revolutionary Period 

spectable; one bed, bedstead, furniture at £7.10., another 
at £5, an eight day clock in mahogany at £15, eight plain 
back maple chairs 24s. ; two high back Windsor chairs 
12s. ; six Bannister back chairs, 15s. ; six small glazed pic- 
tures, 6s. There was china and white stone ware. The 
white porcelain ware had become common. A widow kept 
the pewter chamber pot included with " Delph " cups, sau- 
cers and bowls at a valuation of 4s. She had a gold locket 
12s., and a pair of gold buttons 8s. 2d., a negro at £48, 
a pew in the Presbyterian meeting house at £1.10. A 
right in the Providence Library at £2. belonged to Hay- 
ward Smith. A widow had two chamber pots 2s., probably 
of white stone ware ; as she owned a female slave at £40, 
another at £30, she was in comfortable circumstances. 
Feather beds and furniture were generally about £7, pre- 
sumably in lawful money. 

Richard Godfrey, a barber, lived comfortably. His 
whole personal estate was £116, including the shop at £36, 
on leased land. Five " blockheads " stood at 10s. and his 
own wearing apparel was only £3.15, most wearers ex- 
pended £7 or £9. His table service of china, glass, stone, 
earthen ware and pewter amounted to £4 . 1 . 9. A silver 
tankard, 2 porringers and spoons 60 ounces av. at 6s. 8d. 
were worth £20. ; used in catering probably. 

Mrs. Abijah Crawford, widow, with a farm in Johnston, 
kept one pair fire buckets at 12s, in her town residence. 
Her six leather bottomed chairs of black cherry indicated 
luxury, though her personal estate was only £135.15. 
Wearing apparel £12. The usual silver. A gold necklace 
and locket £2.10. She had a copy of Josephus at £2.8. 
with a bible and old books at 3s. Glassware as well as 
white porcelain was more commonly used ; as we perceive 
in 11 wine glasses at 4s. Id, 6 beakers at 2s. 4d, 4 glass salts 
at 2s. Warming pans were about 6s. Thomas Bigelow 



1776] Freed Slaves Cared For 343 

was recorded as a " trader " in partnership with Parker, 
and he had invested in his stock of goods £533. 

The material resurrection of the body does not so 
thoroughly possess the minds of will-makers, as it did 
earlier in the century, but Bartholomew Sutton in 1775 
says : " I commend my soul to Almighty God my Creator 
hoping for eternal happiness through the merits and medi- 
ation of Jesus Christ my Redeemer." Arminianism was 
creeping in and it was necessary for solid believers to 
speak out. 

Leather buckets for fires were common. A mason and 
wood chopper had a pair at 15s, though his estate was 
only £32.10. His pewter at £1.10. included a tankard, 6 
porringers and 3 spoons. A warming pan was worth 5s. 
He had spinning wheels and cards for indoor work ; a gen- 
eral custom among artisans. A farmer had a chaise at 
£6, and a suit of regimentals — coat, j acket and breeches — 
appears at £4 . 10. in 1775. 

Gabriel's descendant, Eve Bernon, a single woman, left 
her real and personal estate to her kinsman Zachariah 
Allen. She freed her negroes, Amey and the son Manny ; 
if they should be sick, or through accident unable to sup- 
port themselves, they should be maintained by her rela- 
tives Allen and the Crawfords. Such care of freed slaves 
was common. 

In 1777, Daniel Hitchcock, a lawyer, left a personal es- 
tate of £644. His brave suit of blue broadcloth " trimmed 
with vellum " cost £18., with a scarlet cloak at £4. and 
other clothing at £14.9. Evidently when he occupied his 
£9. pew in the Presbyterian meeting house, he wore goodly 
apparel. Bacon's Abridgement in 5 vols, at £22, three 
volumes of Blackstone at £3.10 and 94 volumes more 
made up his library. Besides these, there were Wollaston's 
Religion of Nature, a Greek lexicon and Bailey's Diction- 



344 Revolutionary Period 

arj. An old silver watch at £6., a comfortable household 
outfit ; and as in most professional estates many small 
notes ranging from £1. to £22. Rev. Gad Hitchcock ap- 
peared at the probate of the will. Prince Paine, a negro 
man, though he possessed only a small estate, dressed well 
in apparel at £10.4. and a pair of stone buttons at 12s. 
He carried a silver watch at £4.10. A chair-maker had 
shoe and knee buckles, with a pair of sleeve buttons, all 
of silver. An extravagant warming pan in another case 
cost 30s. Many estates, even if owned by farmers, in- 
cluded rights in the Providence Library. We meet looms 
occasionally; not as often as spinning wheels. Weaving 
was often done at special shops. 

When the colonies were thrown on their own resources, 
the primitive rope-walks became important. In East 
Greenwich an old man walked spinning with his fingers 
from a large coil of hemp wound about his waist, while one 
of his sons turned the crank of a big wheel moving the 
spindles. 

" That building long and low 
Where the wheels go round and round 
With a drowsy, dreamy sound 
And the spinners backward go." 

As we advance into the actual Revolution, the new in- 
flation of paper money appears in the inventories, though 
currencies are not generally specified, and it is perplex- 
ing. In 1779, a warming pan on two occasions is valued 
at £6. Martha Brown 23 widow's list of silver is note- 
worthy, 11 large silver spoons are equal to 2 silver dollars 
each or £6.12, six small are 15s. or 15s., one small is 3s. 
or 3s., 47 lbs. pewter equals £35.5. Mary Patten's title 

23 Providence MS. Probate Rec, VI., 256. 



1778] Financial Pressure 345 

" Gentlewoman " is pathetic, for she died intestate. Ben- 
jamin Clap's inventory was wholly inflated. Personal es- 
tate £1998, wearing apparel £383, two beds and furni- 
ture £300. 

In 1778, the pressure of the war was very severe in 
Rhode Island. The financial system of the whole country 
was frightfully deranged, and while the continental paper 
was passing from declining values to nothing, the suffer- 
ing of the people was greatest. Corn was at $8 per 
bushel; carpenters obtained $15 to $18 per day and other 
labor was in proportion. But even the crisis of the coun- 
try's struggle was coming to a head under new causes and 
springs of action. The French treaties made the future 
independence of America almost certain. The financial 
troubles were not less, but they were henceforth alleviated 
by hope. Despair ceased, for, as a patriot said in May, 
" Joy sparkles in every eye." 

We may perceive the harassing details of this revolu- 
tionary commerce as we turn these yellow manuscripts. 
The sloop Diamond took some brown sugar from Dart- 
mouth to Virginia. She carried also flour, tobacco, tal- 
low, etc., from Accomack to the West Indies. Nicholas 
and John Brown order the master, L. Wyatt, returning 
by way of Bedford. If he can get his hands to come to 
Providence willingly in the sloop with the molasses, coffee, 
etc., he is to take out the valuable light goods for storage, 
and bring these heavy ones around ; thus dividing the risk. 
If the men should decline, the order was to store the whole 
cargo. 

Newport was evacuated by the British Oct. 25, 1779, 
who left the marvellous old town fatally damaged. More 
than 500 dwellings had been destroyed and three-quarters 
of the inhabitants had departed, many obtaining business 
elsewhere. Great suffering prevailed in the extraordinary 



346 Revolutionary Period 

winter, when the Bay was frozen over for more than six 
weeks. Extravagant prices were obtained in silver ; wood 
at ten dollars per cord, corn at four dollars per bushel 
and potatoes at two dollars. 

At this time, merchants were dating their letters at 
Providence in State of Rhode Island in North America. 
Revolutionary commerce with Europe had assumed large 
proportions ; the Browns, Nicholas and especially John, 
trading with Bordeaux and extensively with " Nantz," 
often using Christopher Starbuck, of Nantucket, as an 
intermediary. The oil shipped at first did not bring cost 
in France, the profit accruing on goods returned. Brown 
oil was preferred, as at the price it could be used by man- 
ufacturers of leather. Nicholas and John Brown's busi- 
ness with Watson & Co., Nantes, in 1779-1782, amounted 
to 113,291 " livers." It was settled in 1786, and " quit- 
claims passed from the beginning of the world " ; suffi- 
ciently explicit and extended for ordinary commerce. The 
earlier orders were for powder, arms and army supplies, 
as in the transactions for account of Congress ; but later 
all sorts of commerce were carried on. 

For detail we have in 1779 Nicholas Brown's order to be 
executed at Amsterdam " for family use," 12 dozen cream 
colored plates, 2 dozen small do., four sets coffee cups and 
saucers, four sets tea do., blue and white ; two sugar bowls 
and two coffee pots, Band W; 2 * one dozen pint bowls, 
Band W ; two dozen cream colored " ^ pint bowls and sau- 
cers," four dozen fashionable wine glasses, one gray sable 
muff and tippett, one half dozen black silk mitts, one set 
house brushes, " -| dozen good green tea." And for mar- 
ket, there was the usual order for dry goods, knives, 
forks and pen knives. In finance was the curious remit- 

24 Band, white and gold probably. This elegant design in white 
China ran well into the nineteenth century. 



1779] The Fashions 347 

tance of " Loan Office Certificates," 4600 dollars and 
2100, to be sold and invested in goods. 

In spite of the losses by war, its stimulating power en- 
couraged luxury. In 1781, Captain Folger in brig Pol- 
ley, was to bring from Watson & Co., Nantes, a great 
variety of staple dry goods and many of the fancy sort. 
Another order to these factors specifies 6 sable muffs and 
tippetts, genteel worsted stuffs for " women's gounds," 
waving " Plooms and Feathers black," ten dozen paste 
pins " for Lady Hair," six pieces Crapes, assorted colors 
" shining like silver," fashionable plated buckles, part 
small for boys and girls, one-half dozen fashionable silk 
" women's shoes." In this array of waving plumes and 
dainty shoes for the fair, masculine appetites were not for- 
gotten. Good velvet corks " to make storage " were to 
be packed in for man — wise in his day and generation. 

In 1781, the schooner Betsey and appurtenances were 
sold at Cape Francois for 3877 livres, after disposing of 
the cargo. 

Though occasional ventures were profitable and indi- 
viduals prospered, the main current of business was in- 
jured by the war and the people grew poorer. Newport 
was virtually destroyed. The fact that commercial Provi- 
dence was ratably poorer than South Kingstown shows the 
practical pressure of the war. 

Children born to the purple had good advantages in the 
way of tutors as well as schools. Residence in a suitable 
family was the most favored, as it is the best means of cul- 
ture in any generation. Nicholas, the son of Nicholas 
Brown, sojourned at Grafton, Mass., in 1779, with 
Thomas Ustick, who promised to follow the father's " di- 
rections as to voice, manners, etc." He was pleased that 
the boy's " Capacity exceeds my Expectation, his memory 
is good," and he was docile. Mr. Ustick asked for a par- 



348 Revolutionary Period 

tial remittance in silver, as he had been forced to buy 
pork in that currency. The daughters had to seek edu- 
cation abroad, even at stricken Newport, in 1781. Mr. 
Brown desired to place his daughter Hope and niece Sally, 
daughter of John, in Mrs. Wilkinson's School there. If 
she had not accommodation, he intended to place Hope 
with Mr. Usher at Bristol. The results of such education 
appear later. Nicholas had been sent likewise to Phila- 
delphia, center of light and leading in those days. Jo- 
seph Anthony, merchant and correspondent, harbored him. 
Nicholas afterward made a visit with his young relatives. 
Mr. Anthony wrote Oct. 11, 1790, evidently meaning to 
back up his Brown commissions, with abundant and gra- 
cious compliments, expressed after the manner of the time. 
He addressed, My dear Young Friend, and alluded to 
" those Dear Girls, Miss Hope, I can't forget her." He 
commented on Nicholas' letter, " I discover you to be per- 
fect master of the Dash of the pen, you may practice 
and Qualify yourself for Despatch, but there is Very Lit- 
tle Room for Improvement — your Entertaining Epistles 
will bear the most minute Inspection." The agi'eeable 
Anthony, if not a lawyer, was at least a Philadelphia 
Quaker. Nicholas answered Dec. 17, " My Honored Sir, 
Your favour . . . your meritt Sense and good Hu- 
mour ... I ever am pleased with reading a Phila. 
production." He was expecting a visit from Thomas. 
" The Girls have fixed a Ball, when they are to show in 
Providence some few at least Bright and Worthy Ladies." 
Soon Miss Hope married Thomas P. Ives. The firms 
Brown & Benson, Brown (Nicholas Younger), Benson & 
Ives, Brown & Ives, of famous memory, carried for- 
ward the business. The social arrangement was not 
brought about without heartburning. Ives was of good 
family in Beverly, Mass., but he had not fortune to please 



1782] Domestic Manners 349 

the prudent merchant, who desired that his daughter 
should marry " a gentleman." " Father, what makes a 
gentleman ? " " Money and manners ! " " Well father, 
you have the money and Tom has the manners." The 
young woman justified her Power blood and gained her 
heart's desire. 

The nursing of an infant interests every generation. 
The bill of the nurse, Mrs. Bradford, for " taking care of 
our child," Dec. 25, 1782, was six weeks at 3 dollars, 
twenty-eight weeks at 2 dollars and 2s. 2^d. " over Gave- 
im," equalling £222.4. A singular metonymy in the term 
carpet appeared in house furnishing. Samuel and Seth 
Yates agreed to paint for Nicholas Brown three " car- 
pets " good strong color with star in the middle 3s. 6d. 
adding " Flour " in the corner 4s. if Diamonding with 
differing shades 6s. 

The family of a wealthy man aiforded comfort not only 
to his own kinsmen, but to others not as well placed in the 
world. There is an early record of the son of Elisha 
Brown " Esq." taken by N. B. as apprentice until he 
should be twenty-one years and found in his " victuals and 
close." In 1780, Mr. Brown writes to his correspondent, 
Christopher Starbuck, at Nantucket, with whom he dealt 
so largely, for a " poor Honest Boy " to be employed in 
his family. It would appear that the supply was not so 
good in Providence ; or possibly the merchant thought an 
immigrant would be more tractable. 

Inventories of the period are perplexing from the con- 
fusion of currencies, and the fact that they are seldom 
specified in recording prices. Sometimes we get a more 
trustworthy idea of value from a staple article like a 
feather bed than from the technical prices. Occasionally 
there is a definite account, as in Nicholas Clarke's case. 25 

25 MS. Probate Eec. Prov., VI., Feb. 1, 1780 



350 Revolutionary Period 

Two beds and furniture £19.5, in silver, £385, in paper 
currency ; one mahogany table £2.5 in silver, £85 in paper ; 
six tea spoons 15s. in silver, 15s. in paper. Silver plate 
was common especially in spoons, and negro slaves often 
appear. One party has a silver watch at £90, and wear- 
ing apparel at £830 ; two stone ware tea pots at £4. 

Richard Seaver's personal estate was £55 . 10, his wear- 
ing apparel £6, one bed and furniture £5, all in silver. 
The Widow Abigail Rogers had a " Padasoy full suit " 
nominally £180, one dozen blue and white China plates 
£15, six white stone plates £1.4. In one case silver was 
estimated at 15 for 1, and dollars at 4s. 9, but this cur- 
rency is not clear, as we shall see one year later. 

William Checkley had a personal estate of £379, the 
prices being apparently in silver. A clock and case £9, 
a set of Queen's ware £1.5, besides china and glass, 88 oz. 
wrought plate £45, two leather fire buckets and lanthorn 
£1.8, Books at £12, including Dictionary, Arts and 
Sciences, Hutchinson's Mass., also his Collection, Youngs' 
Poetical Works, Various Sermons, Bailey's Dictionary 
two Latin do., seven vols. Spectator, three vols. Watts 
Psalm Book, in addition 60 miscellaneous books, one bed 
furniture and blankets £13.14, one negro Cato at £45. 
Looms appear in two estates. A blacksmith had one with 
wearing apparel at £7.8. silver, and gunsmith's tools, be- 
sides his regular outfit. He had a warming pan at 9s. 
and other comforts. This artisan wore silver sleeve but- 
tons at 2s. 

N. B. & Co. made a contract with S. Keith, 6 dollars for 
9 lbs. mdse. ; 4 dollars for 6 lbs. mdse. ; 2 dollars for 3 lbs. 
mdse. ; 4, 12 or 18, in proportion or paper in proportion. 

Oct. 22, 1781, there was an auction sale 26 of £5594, in 
" paper " by agreement. This was Continental or State 

26 MS. Probate Rec. Frov., VI., 317. 



1781] Auction Prices in Paper 351 

currency probably. A bed and bolster brought 1304f 
dollars, another 1202f dollars. It seems people could es- 
timate differences of quality in this airy medium. A bed- 
stead was $135, a side saddle $25, a looking glass $250, 
a warming pan and skimmer $165, an old Bible $30. 

Captain Archibald Young had a small wardrobe for a 
sailor, but all the various silver buckles and stone sleeve 
buttons. He read good books, Spectator and Guardian, 
Cato's Letters, Epicurean Philosophy, School of Man, 
Prior's Works and Hervey's Meditations, Seneca's Mor- 
als, and Hudibras' Dictionary of the Bible. The apprais- 
ers could not put a market value on the slaves, but record 
the facts, showing that this kind of property was fluctu- 
ating even worse than the currency. 

Three Negro Boys " The one Runaway " 

One negro Woman " The others loth to stay." 

The surrender of Cornwallis in 1781 solved the prob- 
lem of war, though actual peace was deferred for some two 
years. The small colony of Rhode Islasd, with Hopkins 
in council, with Greene, second to Washington only, in the 
field, with her brave soldiers in battle, had done her full 
part in the birth-struggles of the nation. Her joy in the 
result was according to her toil in the painful struggles. 

Merchants were obliged to move promptly as well as 
discreetly to dispose of goods imported at great expense 
during the war, and to avoid the falling prices. Nicholas 
and John Brown sought the consumer in various ways. 
Daniel Gano took a cargo intending to open a store at 
New Haven or Fairfield ; he landed finally at Fishkill. A 
portion of these goods was returned in 1783. A New 
London correspondent returned some goods consigned. 
Goods from Nantes were consigned Tillinghast & Holroyd 
in Providence to sell at 6 per cent, commission. Other 



352 Revolutionary Period 

parties were employed. From Taunton, Tillinghast & 
Smith returned goods, which found no market. 

The year 1785 brought the death of Stephen Hopkins, 
the patriot citizen. His biographer, Foster, 27 is full and 
vigorous in panegyric, and no native-born Rhode Islander 
could exceed this adopted scholar's verdict of praise. 
Hopkins was a man who would have been extraordinary in 
any place and time. As I have stated, 28 he was the true 
fruit and resulting consequence of a novel community, in- 
stituted through Roger Williams' creative system and 
Charles II.'s political privilege. We cannot reiterate this 
too constantly, for it is a kernel of history. Moses 
Brown's diffuse description of Hopkins' style as clear, 
concise, pertinent, powerful, sometimes energetic, gener- 
ally " calm, rational and convincing " might be better ex- 
pressed in the simple statement ; the man spoke. Or as 
Foster puts it, " His hearty frankness and calm dignity of 
manner " carried his constituency with him. Such a man 
must be actuated by magnanimity of character, as his con- 
temporary, Asher Robbins, emphasized. If Hopkins 
lacked scholastic education, he worked for it as far as pos- 
sible. Manning brought the broad culture of Princeton 
into the high New England atmosphere; and Hopkins 
out of his education by affairs, seconded the scholar. He 
was the first chancellor of the College in 1764, and as he 
had worked for books, so he strove for the learned use of 
books. 

The life of Hopkins took in the forming period of 
Rhode Island's history, when she had worked out of her 
spasmodic ill-regulated democracy into a form of repre- 
sentative government ; which carried her through the great 
struggle for independence, and ultimately after much con- 
tention aligned her with her fellows in the United States. 

27 Hopkins, II., 163. =8 j n te, p 230. 



CHAPTER XI 

THE UNION. 1786-1790. 

The little state now entered on the worst period of its 
political history. Separation from the Crown-govern- 
ment of the mother country had been achieved, hut a de- 
structive revolution is easier than the construction of a 
new government. The inefficient Congress of the Confed- 
eracy could not be the basis of a strong government, but 
served only for a stepping stone toward the larger com- 
ing structure projected by the genius of Hamilton and 
inaugurated largely through the facility of Madison and 
Franklin. Virginia, the great governing member of the 
Confederacy, called for a convention of the states in 
1786, to adopt " a uniform system in their commercial 
regulations." This meeting failed, but important as 
might be the field of intercourse with the outward world, 
it was shut off in Rhode Island, by the domestic economy 
of the state, which mastered its course politically. 

There were two main controlling motives at work in our 
community. 1 The natural individualistic 1 spirit of the 
colony and state revolted against any strong effective 
federal control. This motive must wear itself out, as it 
did finally under the inevitable attrition of the whole coun- 
try, grinding toward a juncture of the parts. Similar 
principles affected other sections ; and the Shays rebellion 
in Massachusetts, touching New Hampshire, was an ex- 
ample of financial discontent revolting against federal 
authority. 

i Cf. Arnold II. 522; Brigham, p. 253. 

353 



354 The Union 

The other motive, economic in origin, went deeper, 
touching the basal organs of all society. The mercantile 
classes, including dwellers in towns, had greatly improved 
their condition, and there was a farmer's opposition to 
every movement toward more effective government, espe- 
cially in the federal form. We must remember that these 
troubles began in severe sacrifices of many men and 
women. Debt filled the social atmosphere, like a black fog 
that repels all sunlight. The Continental money and the 
paper issued by the state had depreciated, until they 
finally became worthless. The farmer brought his bushel 
of corn to the merchant and trader, who always handled 
the money of the community, whether of paper or specie. 
More produce could not be had from the land, but more 
paper could be readily produced. In vain, merchants and 
intelligent voters protested that paper must be paid, in 
order that it serve the uses of a currency. Delusion waxes, 
while it mocks at wisdom. Pay it with more paper, said 
the foolish incapable. Take away the influence of mer- 
chants and money changers, who send specie out of the 
country to make money scarce and dear ; and all will be 
well. At first the conservative elements controlled the vote 
against issuing more paper money. Providence, Newport, 
Bristol, Westerly stoutly opposed the country party. But 
the insidious doctrines of inflation sapped their strength; 
a powerful majority for paper prevailed in May, 1786, 
and took possession of the government. The Assembly 
immediately issued £100,000, to be loaned on mortgage for 
seven years at four per cent, with an annual reduction of 
the principal. The bills were made a legal tender at par 
with specie. All sorts of forcing measures supported 
these processes. 

John Brown in the Providence Gazette claimed that the 
farmers would not take their own medicine, or, in other 



1789] Currency Chimeras 355 

words, would not give up produce for the bills. Some 
traders were packing their goods, to secure them or to 
carry them out of the state, while some proposed shutting 
up their stores. The new Solons would regulate trade 
and exchange by arbitrary power. All these proceedings 
were finally stopped by the common law, which could not 
be created anew in Rhode Island. John Weeden, a 
butcher of Newport, refused to deliver his meat to one 
Trevett for paper, who sued him to gain the poor man's 
rights. General Varnum, the ablest pioneer of Judge 
Marshall in blazing the way for Constitutional integrity, 
showed the Court that the legislative must inevitably be 
subordinated to the judicial power in a stable, free govern- 
ment. The Court maintained Weeden's rights, and the 
paper rioters tried ineffectually to turn the Court out of 
office. 

It was even seriously mooted in convention, though the 
project never fairly reached the legislature, that a com- 
mission be appointed and empowered, to regulate all trade, 
to fix prices and compel the transfer of property. Spe- 
cie especially was to be held in the iron grip of the state 
and not be freely sent abroad at the will of the owner. 
These popular delusions gradually declined, and in Oct., 
1789, the act forcing the circulation of paper instead of 
specie was repealed. A modification of the principle was 
substituted, making property a tender for debt. The 
mortgages to secure bills issued in 1786 proved to be like 
straw. Depreciation of this paper was fixed at fifteen for 
one. 

The state suffered accordingly in the opinion of her 
neighbors and expectant partners in the new union of 
states. Our delegates in the Continental Congress were 
deeply wounded when the proceedings of our legislature 
were " burlesqued and ridiculed." The calm and discreet 



356 The Union 

Washington could say, " Rhode Island still perseveres in 
that impolitic, unjust, and one might add, scandalous con- 
duct which seems to have marked all her councils of late." 
General Varnum in 1787, writing Washington, protested 
that the latter legislation did " not exhibit the real char- 
acter of the state. He maintained that it was " equally 
reprobated by the whole mercantile body, by most of the 
respectable farmers, and mechanics. The majority of 
the administration is composed of a licentious number of 
men, destitute of education, and many of them void of 
principle. From anarchy and confusion they derive their 
temporary consequence "... and try for " the 
abolition of debts both public and private. With these 
are associated the disaffected of every description, partic- 
ularly those who were unfriendly during the war. Their 
paper money system, founded in oppression and fraud, 
they are determined to support at every hazard. 
These evils may be attributed, partly to the extreme free- 
dom of our own Constitution, and partly to the want, of 
energy in the federal union. It is fortunate however, that 
the wealth and resources of this State are chiefly in pos- 
session of the well affected, and they are entirely devoted 
to the public good." 2 

About all the evils contingent to a body politic came to 
the surface in this little community on the shores of Nar- 
ragansett Bay. It was demonstrated that a passion for 
individual freedom can crystallize itself into the lust for 
arbitrary power. Yet there was sufficient virtue inherent 
in this sordid wrangling mob, to throw off the evil at last, 
and to become a thriving republic. These events must be 
recorded with shame, but let it not be forgotten that, 
however rampant the spirit of evil, it did not finally pre- 
vail over the divine mission of government. Demos lets 

2 R. I. H. S. Pub. II. 168. 



1790] Convention Adopts the Constitution 357 

in all the people, but when he reasons and puts forth his 
strength, that strength is ultimately for good. 

The constitution of the United States was not a mirac- 
ulous issue from the brain of man, as Mr. Gladstone hinted. 
It was unrolled and unfolded from the historic life of 
the American colonies, and the interpretation was effected 
by a singular association of the greatest men the country 
could afford. Its making and framing were slow ; its 
adoption was painful and protracted. Rhode Island was 
outside the controversial arguments and struggles, for 
she was without representation. All efforts failed to get 
Varnum's anarchical legislature into line. The federal 
union was virtually decided upon, when New Hampshire 
voted for the constitution June 21, 1788. The federalists 
of Rhode Island seized the occasion for popular demon- 
strations, though they were still in the minority. 3 The 
state was still obstinate in opposition to adoption. 

At last the period of agony drew to a peaceful con- 
clusion. A convention was called for May 24, 1790, and 
the towns instructed their delegates for or against the 
union. So severe was the parturition that Providence 
had provided for a possible separation from the state, 
if it should not adopt the Constitution. May 29, the in- 
strument was adopted by a majority of only two votes. 
So close was the contest between anarchy and order. 
The momentous event was embodied in the change of in- 
vocation from " God save the State " to " God save the 
United States of America." 

John Brown had been very energetic in canvassing for 
the constitution. He built wharves and shipyards at 
India Point, Providence, and in 1787 sent his ship Wash- 
ington to India and China — the first oriental voyage from 
our city. This literally opened a new world for our 

s Brigham, p. 265. 



358 The Union 

commerce. It was prosecuted vigorously and ably in 
the closing years of the century by his nephews — by kin 
and marriage — Brown & Ives. Two years later Moses 
Brown started Samuel Slater at Pawtucket on his career 
of cotton spinning. These two movements widened out 
the sphere of Rhode Island, giving the state a new social 
life according with its new political opportunity. 

Brown was alwa3 r s a pioneer in all directions, and as 
he sent out his oriental ship, he built from plans of his 
brother Joseph, the house on Power Street at the corner 
of Benefit. John Quincy Adams noted in his diary that 
it was " the finest house on the continent." It was worthy 
of the powerful merchant, and the forerunner of the 
Colonial or Georgian mansions, which distinguished Provi- 
dence for a century. The broadening spirit of the 
eighteenth century had penetrated our community, and 
Obadiah, the son of Joseph Brown, was a " freethinker " 
in the language of that day. At a dinner in the new 
house, this rash innovator gave the toast, " Here's a short 
respite to the damned in hell." The practically minded 
John, too much charmed by freedom in the end to balk at 
the hedgerows of orthodoxy by the way, instantly drank 
in this wise, " Truly, a most admirable sentiment, gentle- 
men, and one in which I am sure we can all join." 

Shipbuilding and the passage of vessels went forward as 
of old, in the cove and the stream above Weybosset Bridge. 
The trade on Cheapside was fed by supplies brought to 
the docks about Steeple Street. In 1792, North Water 
(now Canal) Street was established; this marks the relega- 
tion of commerce to docks below the bridge. 

Some six-score years have passed since Rhode Island 
entered the Union. She has kept pace with the whole 
country in population, and in wealth per capita is not 



1790] Our State Contributes the Individual 359 

surpassed by any state. In spite of her limited territory, 
there are nine or ten great states having fewer people. 
Her people excel in numbers the inhabitants of her sister 
states Vermont and New Hampshire. This is the social 
outcome and expression of Roger Williams' and John 
Clarke's " lively experiment." Quidnuncs, whether of 
Massachusetts or of London, two and one-half centuries 
ago, would have said such results would be impossible. 
I have tried to set forth some of the facts, which made the 
achievement — if not easy — at least attainable in the or- 
dinary life of peoples. 

The Virginians contributed to the great purposes going 
to form America ; and Hamilton's incisive intellect pruned 
them into a possible system of government. Such must 
be in the end a government of men and women. The in- 
dividual of the eighteenth century received something 
creative and peculiar in the soul-liberty of Roger Wil- 
liams. Though not adopted as a dogma by the whole 
country until well into the nineteenth century, it was 
alive and at work. Note Borgeaud's statement in 
Preface. 

Consider the positive acts of rebellion in the little 
colony. The sinking of the cruiser Liberty, the burning 
of the Gaspee in 1772, Brown's rebellious seizure of gun- 
powder in the West Indies ; accompanied by the explicit 
movement of the colony for a general congress in 1774, 
the actual earliest renunciation of allegiance to the Crown 
in May, 1776 ; all these events were political acts individ- 
ually conceived and brought to an issue in this home of 
individualism. 

Stephen Hopkins, of marvellous forensic foresight in 
the pre-revolutionary period, John Brown, with sagacity 
of a merchant and courage of a corsair, Nathaniel Greene, 



360 The Union 

dropping a smith's hammer to grasp the sword ; Weeden, 
the butcher, resisting arbitrary power at home, worse than 
the hated " ministerial tyranny " abroad ; these men all 
embodied the spirit of Roger Williams' descendants. 
These were the types of the men needed throughout the 
colonies to resist misdirected power in the Crown-govern- 
ment, and to build and establish a new nation. 



INDEX 



INDEX 

Abbott, Daniel 107 Arnold, Caleb 330 

Abbott, Margaret 10T Arnold, Eleazar 121 

Adams, Charles Francis, quoted Arnold, Elizabeth 257 

15, 23, 25, 49 Arnold, Job 2*3 

Adams, John, 1 325 Arnold, Richard 113, 114, 194 

Adams, Samuel 336 Arnold, Stephen, 102, 202; in- 

Africa 319 ventory of, 120, 240 

Agriculture, 101, 152, 153, see Arnold, Wiliam 38 

Farming Ashley, William 115 

Aldridge, Joseph and J., Jr. 123 Assembly, General, arranged for, 

Alexander, Cosmo 277 43; Jews appear before, 69; 

Almy, William, ships a ton of royal commission for guidance 

tobacco, 193 of, 87; special session of, 

Anabaptists 36, 68, 88, 204, 570 called, 93; rates determined 

Andrews, John 227 by, 101; powers of, 116; pe- 

Andros, Sir Edmund 179, 180 titioned by Jews, 118; bills of 

Angell and Smith, merchants, credit issued by, 186; acts on 

321 legal tender, 238 

Angell, Captain Abraham, in- Austin, William 113, 129 

ventory of, 238 

Angell, James 227, 325 Babcock, Colonel Harry 296, 297 

Angell, John 63, 129, 221 Babcock, Captain James 295 

Angell, Nathan 316, 333 Babcock, Dr. Joshua 295, 296 

Angell, Samuel, inventory of, Bacon, Leonard 20 

326 Baker, William 55 

Angell, Thomas 28 Balston, William 54, 55, 95 

Antinomians, 22, 47, 50, 51, 61, Bancroft, George, quoted 19, 71 

68, 88, 204 Banns, of matrimony 81, 99 

Apprenticing, system of, 76, Baptists, in Rhode Island, 

113, 114, 177, 214 22, 59, 83, 135, 205, 207 

Aquidneck, 38, 39; cattle in, Baptist, Church, first, 35, 37, 135 

42; purchased by Coddington, Baptists, Seventh Day 135 

51 ; patent of, obtained, 58 ; Barbados, trade with the, 

heresies at, 59, see Newport 114, 115, 175, 317 

Arnold, Benedict 30, 34, 37, 67, Barny, Jacob 286 

105 Bass, Dr. John, inventory of 326 

363 



364. Index 

Bassett, John 335 Boundaries of Massachusetts, 

Baster, Deborah, inventory of Connecticut and Rhode Is- 

325 land, 71 ; laid out by town or- 
Bates, Richard 100 dinance in Providence, 86; 
Beds and bedding, 122, 125; see disputes with Connecticut set- 
also inventories tied, 218 
Beecher, Lyman 2'0 Bowen, Captain Ephraim 244 
Beef 101, 115 Bowen, Dr. Jabez 202, 332 
Beer, 54; use of diminishes 189 Bowen, Rev. William 279 
Bellomont, Lord 183, 184 Brattle, Mary 106, 107 
Bellows, Mary 100 Bread 54 
Bennett, S 108 Brenton, Governor William 58, 
Berkeley, Dean 146, 267, 268, 270 176 

Bernon, Gabriel 35, 138, 208, Bridge, built over the Weybos- 

209, 231 set, 41, 88; over the Moshas- 

Bernon, Emanuel, negro, 224, suck, 77; over the Pawcatuck, 

225; inventory of, 264 138 

Bernon, Eve 343 Brinley, Francis 80, 180, 184 

Bernon, Mary, negress S&l Bristol, slave trade at, 90 

Bible, the, 91, 111, 118, see in- Brown, Arthur 276 

ventories Brown, Chad 30, 35, 41, 42 

Bills of credit 186, 211, 237, 238 Brown, Elisha 349 

Bill of divorce 55 Brown, " Four brothers," 22$, 

Bill of lading, for sloop Sally 250, 252, 263, 316, 333 

319 Brown, Geoorge 262 

Blacksmith 66, 284 Brown, James 221, 222, 2'23, 227, 

Blackstone, William 134 228, 250, 252, inventory of, 234 

Blackstone, John 214 Brown, John 22, 250, 251, 252, 

Blandin, William 117 253, 316, 320, 333, 336, 338, 

Blast Furnace 330 339, 345, 346, 352*, 357, 358 

Block Island, 71 130; vessels Brown, Joseph 252, 333, 337 

built at, 293, 294 Brown, Martha, inventory of, 

Block Island "turkey" 293 344 

Bluefield, the pirate 65 Brown, Moses 42, 188, 227, 228, 

Boats, travel by 12'2 230, 234, 245, 246, 252, 333 

Bogman, Jacob, orders sup- Brown, Nathaniel 193, 194, 230, 

plies for his plantation 320 232, established ship-building 

Books 91, 110, 245, 246, 273; industry 114 

see also inventories Brown, Nicholas 228, 244, 332, 

Bookstore, first 246 333, 338, 345, 346, 352 

Borden, Mary 200 Brown, Nicholas and Company 

Borgeaud, Dr. quoted 5, 6, 13 250, 316, 317, 318, 319, 321, 

Boston 12, 36, 38, 41, 47, 58, 80, 329, 330, 331, 332, 333, 335, 

106, 181, 187, 2'23, 268, 276 345, 348, 350, 352 



Index 365 

Brown, Obadiah, 189, 227, 228, Carter, John, buys Providence 
250, 252, 316, inventory of, Gazette 323 

197, 263 Catering, first in Providence 224 

Brown, Robert, inventory of, 2*90 Cattle, prices of 42, 56, 101 ; 

Brown, Samuel 22 ear-marks of 54, 75, 142, 182; 

Browne, Jabez 217 right of pasturaage for, 91; 

Brown University, see Rhode stray, 130; see also inven- 
Island College tories 

Bryant, Ruth 269, 270 Census, first official 185; ordered 

Buckles, first record of silver by Board of Trade, 190; 
shoe, 143; gold and silver, 254, King's census taken, 219 
312 Chace, Samuel 246 

Bull, Henry 51 Champlin, Captain Christopher 

Bull, Katharine, inventory of, 148 
141 Champlin, Tony, inventory of 

Bunday, Mary, inventory of, 166 169 

Burnyeat, John 175 Charles II 8, 11; gives southern 

Burial grounds 36, 128, 129 Narragansett to Connecticut, 

Burroughs, James 317 69; favors colony of Rhode 

Butter, price of 101, 102, 115, Island, 174, 184 

Charles, William 55 

124 Charter, accepted by Rhode Is- 
land, 5; of Charles II, 8; of 
Massachusetts Bay, 12; defin- 
ition of ordinary, 16; of royal, 
16; secured by Williams, 43; 
demanded by Andros, ISO 
47, 135 Checkley, William, inventory of 

Candles, bayberry 100; house 350 

and lot sold by, 109; made by Cheese, an export, 115; manu- 
hand 2'22; sperm, 331 facture of in Rhode Island, 

Canonicus 28, 39, 51, 91, 101, 151 152, 156; bequeathed in will, 

Carew, Dr. Samuel, inventory of 172 
341 China, see inventories 

Carpenter, Ephraim 101, 123, Church, Captain Benjamin 178 
209 Church, separation of law and, 

Carpenter, Esther Bernon 302 20; First Baptist, 35, 37, 135; 

Carpenter, James 282, 284 good done by the, 117; of 

Carpenter, Mehitable, inventory England, 138; first Congrega- 
of 322 tional, 207; St. John's, built, 

Carpenter, Sarah, inventory of 208; in Providence, 231 

243 Cider 209 

Carpenter, William 87, 123 Citizenship, curious form of 56 

Carter, Edwin 187 Clark, Elisha, inventory of 312 



318 
Buttons, silver 
Button wood tree 


124 

101 


Cadman, William 
Calvin, John 
Calvinism, defined 
Cambridge 


181 

6, 7, 96 

7 

47, 135 



366 Index 

Clark, Jeremiah, inventory of Community, developed by Wil- 
164 liams, 11; evolution of plan- 
Clark, Thomas 106, 107 tations into, 131 
Clark and Nightingale, mer- Conanlcut, ferry to 137, 156 
chants, 246, 324 Congdon, William, inventory of 
Clarke, Dr. John 50, 59, 64, 69, 290 

70, 71, 89, 93, 101, 116, 359, Congregationalism 7, 58, 59, 244 
death of, 98 Conland, Alice, inventory of 177 
Clarke, Nicholas, inventory of Connecticut, 1; contrasted with 
349 Rhode Island, 6, 25; an ex- 
Clarke, Governor Walter 180 ample of Puritanism, 16; be- 
Clausen, John 84 ginnings of government in, 17, 
Clerk, Town, 32; "of the mea- 18, 19, 20, 21; Charter for 
suers," 54; of the market, 120 southern Narragansett given 
Cloth 111, 113, 115, 127, see also and repealed, 69; boundaries 
inventories between Rhode Island and, 71, 
Coal 285 219; disputes with Rhode Is- 
" Coaster's Harbor" 57 land, 94; claims jurisdiction 
Coddington, Arnold, inventory extends to Narragansett Bay, 

of 243 134, 136 

Coddington, William 45, 48, 51, Conscience, freedom of, 7; con- 

58, 59, 61, 62, usurpation of, cern for, 44 

64, 65, 97; death of, 106; in- Constitution, first written 17 

fluence in the colony, 132 Constitution Hill 34 

Code of laws, 31 ; formed by Cook, George, inventory of 139 

General Assembly, 43; made Cook, Nicholas 332 

by Coddington, 106 Cooking of cornbread 285 

Coke 5 Cooper, Thomas, 100, will of, 

Colvill, Bethiah, inventory of 127 

140 Copley, the artist 150 

Commerce, well-established, 65; Copper pennies 217 

of Newport attracts Jews, 69; Corn, scarcity of, 64; corn 

religious organization depend- grown, 152; price of, 182; ex- 

ent on growth of, 83; with portation of forbidden, 215; 

Barbados, 114 ; increase of, stored by Indians, 285; corn- 

130, 132, 175, 186, 233; slavery husking a festival, 307 

a factor in, 187; rapid growth Correy, William 56, 178 

of, 194, 265, 330, 331, 335, 346; Costume, of Rowland Robinson, 

at Newport, 275 160; of Nicholas Gardiner, 

Common Lands, 55 ; privilege of 309 ; of " Parson " Fayer- 

pasture on, 75; right of pro- weather, 313 

prietors to vote on, 84; Cotton, Rev. John 14, 22, 46, 48, 

troubles over, 95, 182; afford 49, 78 

exports, 195 Cotton wool 101, 123 



Index 367 

Court, First American Court of Dexter, Mary, inventory of 257 

Assistants convened, 12; Gen- Distilleries in Rhode Island 189, 

eral Court organized, 115; 222 

"Ancient Court of last He- Dorr, Henry C. quoted 33, 34, 

sort> » n1 40, 73, 81, 83, 85, 100, 101, 104, 

Crandall, Astress 233 114, 131 

Crawford, Mrs. Abijah, inven- Dudley, Governor Josiah 13, 14, 

torv f 34.2 44, 47, 48, 184, 185 

Crawford, ffreelove, inventory Dunbar, George, inventory of 

of 196 255 

Crawford, Gideon, 114, 129, 194, Durfee, Job 1, 63, 64 

195 209, 232; inventory of, Durfee, Thomas, defines soul- 

196 ' liberty, 3; states criticisms of 

Crawford, Captain John, inven- Williams, 26 

tory f 200, 209 Dwellings, type of, 66, 73, 1*0; 

Crawford, Major William, in- historic, 66, 74, 121; descrip- 

ventory of 201 tion of better class, 166, 171; 

Culverwell, Thomas, has first changes in type of, 221 

fulling mill 139 Dyre, Mary, 35, 51, 67, is exe- 

Currency, see Money cuted, 68 „„„,--„. 

Curry, Robert, chosen "Town Dyre, William, 35, 67, 118; in- 

Sarjant" 212 ventory of, 254 

Dair ; es 152 Earle, William 178 

Day, Joshua 335 Ear-marks, of cattle 54, 75, 143, 

Deeds, from Williams to plan- 155, 182 

ters, 29; of " Pawtuxet pur- Easton, Nicholas 5<, 89, 1-5 

chase'" 37 Edd y' Barnard 319 

Deerskins exported 115 Education 158, 245,347, 348 

Delpech, James 146 Endicott, John 2f' T^' * 

Democracy, constituted in Rhode England 5, 15, 19, 24, 39 43, ,70, 
Island, 1; of Providence es- 79, 83, 88, 89, 103, 180, 274 
tablished, 8; practical, devel- Emerson, R. W 19 

oped by Williams, 11; work- Emigration, to Rhode Island, of 
ings of, in New England, 13; Jews, 69; of Huguenots, 137, 
at Portsmouth, 53; Newport 208 

is a, 58; various movements Episcopalians in Rhode Island 
tending toward, 82, 159 138, 207 

Dennis, Captain John 227 Europe 5, 7, 70 176, 225 246 

Dexter, Aaron 84 Exports, from Rhode Island, 

Dexter, Abigail 100 114, 152, 176, 193, 210; grow 

Dexter, Gregory 35, 78, 83, 84 less, 307 
Dexter, John 118, 119, 124; in- 

ventory of, 198, 325 Fairs, held in Providence 120 



368 Index 

Families, prominent in Rhode Freeborne, William 55 

Island, 150 Free-holders, differences between 
Faneuil, Feter 191 proprietors and, 84, 101 ; con- 
Farming, methods of 131, 152, troversy between Harris and, 

154 91 

Farming utensils, 42, 57, 153, Freeman, Captain Isaac 189 

154; see also inventories Free-masonry, three first degrees 

Fayerweather, Rev. Samuel, 291, of brought by Jews to Rhode 

295, 296, 2"98, 312; inventory Island, 69 

of 313 Funeral, details of 160, 164, 289 

Fenner, Major Thomas 121, 212, Furnace, Hope 329, 331, 335 

2*20 Furniture 57, 74, 124, 200; see 

ffenner, Arthur, 75, 92, 93, 103 also inventories 

116, 119; inventory of, 124, 

218 Game, plentiful in the colony 42 

_Ferries 41, 137, 211, 226 Garden, the, of George Rome 

Few, Richard 56 292 

Field, John 30, 80 Gardiner, Elizabeth, inventory 

Field, Thomas 121 of, 166 

Field, William 76, 114 Gardiner, Miss Hannah 145 

Fire-arms, 126, 339; see also in- Gardiner, John, inventory of 291 

ventories Gardiner, Nicholas 308 

Fire buckets, leather 227, 343 Gardiner, Peregrine 119 

Fire engine 227 Gardiner, William, inventory of 

Fish 42, 115, 294, 306, 307, 318 160, 170, 312 

Flax 101, 112, 200 Gardiner, William, of Boston 

Flour 186 Neck, inventory of 164 

Folger, Peter 56 Geneva 5, 88 

Food, 42, 155; price of, 101; Gervinus 5 

menu of Dr. Babcock, Gibbs, Robert 233 

2'96 Ginnings, Peter 289 

"Four Brothers," portage b'll Glass, see inventories 

of sloop, 317 "Glebe House," built by Dr. 

Fowler, George 153 McSparran, 147 

Fowler, Henry 81 Goddard, Sarah and William 246 

Fox, George 89, 90, 111, 175, 269 Godfrey, Richard, inventory of 

Foxe's Hill 28, 41 342 

Fox hunting, in the colony 173, Gorton, Samuel, 24, 32; moves 

308 to Shawomet, 37, 38; visits 

Frank, Andrew, negro, inven- Canonicus, 39; writes pamph- 

tory of, 261 let, 40; modern by nature, 61; 

Franklin, Benjamin, post-office migrates to Providence, 62'; 

of, 240; book on electricity, death of, 105 

247; ancedote of, 297 Government, Japanese view of 



Index 369 

representative, 12; beginnings Hazard, Jeffrey, inventory of 

of popular, 14; beginnings of, 289 

examined, 16, 17; first in col- Hazard, Jonathan, inventory of 

ony, 53; recognition sought 169, 302 

for Island, 64 ; changes in Hazard, " Shepherd Tom " 285, 

judicial, 116; of Rhode Is- 305, 307 

land called a scandal by Gov- Hazard, Stephen, inventory of 

ernor Dudley, 184; of Rhode 161 

Island, under the Union, 353 Hazard, Susannah, inventory of 

Grain, see inventories 291 

Great Salt River 41, 42, 114, 193, Hazard, Robert, 142, 150; ex- 

209, 232 ports pacers, 157; inventory 

Green, Benjamin Jr., inventory of, 147, 311 

of, 198 Heeth, Betty 167 

Green, James 324 Helme, Christopher, inventory 

Greene, John 136 of, 163 

Grenville, George 222 Helme, James 287 

Guinea, slave trade with 12*2, Helme, Powel 281 

181, 305 Helme, Rowse, inventory of 141 

Highways 41, 75, 80, 131, 133, 

Hannah, Robert, inventory of 211, 267 

140 Higinbotham, Charles, inventory 

" Hard money " party 302 of, 165 

Hardin, Abraham 115 Hitchcock, Daniel, inventory of 

Harris, Elisha, inventory of 126 343 

Harris, Thomas, 30, 91; inven- Hitchcock, Rev. Gad 344 

tory of, 126, 239 Holden, Randall 51 

Harris, William, 78, 80, 88, 90, Holmes, Obadiah 84 

91, 92, 93; imprisoned, 94; Holston, Mary, apprenticed 177 

death of, in England, 103; in- Holway, Benjamin, inventory of 

ventory of, 109 290 

Harrison, Peter, builder of the Home-lots, 32, 35; system of 

Redwood Library, 146 creates local attachment, 82'; 

Hart, Joseph 323 term altered to house-lots, 233 

Hawkins, Job 330 Homesteads 35 

Hawkings, Isaiah 262 Honeyman, Rev. James 207, 267, 

Hazard, Caleb, inventory of 162, 276 

164 Hooker, Thomas 16, 17, 18, 20, 

Hazard, " College Tom," account 21, 44, 247 

books of, 280, 281; slaves of, Hopkins, Esek, first admiral of 

285, 302 the American navy, 234, 317, 

Hazard, Colonel George, 139; 318, 319, 321, 330 

house of, 166; inventory of, Hopkins, Stephen, born, 228; in- 

167 fluences which moulded, 229; 



370 Index 

ability recognized, 230; exten- plantations, 115; store corn, 

sion of commerce encouraged 285 

by, 233; catalogued library, " Indian Trail " 138 
244; political advancement of, Indigo 115, 281 
247; elected governor, 248; Industry, French ship, captured 
member of the Literary and by privateer, 226 
Philosophical Society, 271 ; Industries, Tanning 81 ; lime- 
prevails in local politics, 332; burning, 87; at Westerly, 136; 
one of committee of corres- woolen, 139; distillery of rum 
pondence, 336; resigns from an important, 221 
Congress, 341; death of, 352 Inheritance 124 

Hopkins, Major William 120, " Initial Deed " of Williams 29, 

239 78, 79, 91 

Horses, prices of, 101, 281; ex- Inns, first, licensed, 95; poor ac- 

ported to West Indies, 152; commodations in, 158; Tur- 

Narragansett pacer described, p:n's, 219 

157; bred by Governor Robin- Inman, Joanna, inventory of 216 

son, 172; 100 gallons of rum Inman, Mary 200 

offered for a, 222; pacing Inman, Tabitha, inventory of 

races, 307 216 

Hospitality, in the colony 158 Ipswich, a port of entry 181, 

Houses, see Dwellings 194 

Household utensils, see inven- Irishmen in Rhode Island 156, 

tories 286 

House, John, inventory of 216, Irish butter 318 

220 Iron 330, 331, 335 

Howard, Jack, negro 224 Inventories 56, 109, 111, 112, 120, 

Hoyden, Elizabeth 99 124, 125, 126, 127, 139, 140, 141, 

Huguenots, settle fin Rhode Is- 143, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 

land, 137, 208 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 

Hull, John, mint master 69 176, 177, 195, 196, 198, 199, 

Hunt, Benjamin, inventory of 200, 203, 216, 238, 239, 240, 

322 241, 253, 254, 255, 257, 258, 

Hussey, Sylvanus 336 261, 262, 2^9, 290, 291, 311, 

Hutchinson, Anne, 36, 45, 59; 312, 322, 325, 326, 327, 341, 

marriage of, 46; trial of, 48; 342, 343, 350, 351 
fate of, 49 

Hutchinson, William, 46; elected Jackson, Stephen 245 

judge, 53 Jakwise, Lowes 287 

Jakwise, Nathan, inventory of 

Idioms and sayings in Rhode Is- 142 

land, 303, 304, 305 Jellinek, quoted 7, 8 

Indians, 37, 42, 50, 69, 73; testi- Jcnckes, Daniel 223, 246, 316, 336 

mony of, 96; a menace to Jenckes, D. and Son 321, 332 



Index 371 

Jenckes, Captain John, inven- Knowles, the widow, inventory 

tory of, 202, 203 of 164 

Jenckes, Governor Joseph, 218; 

inventory of, 238 Labor, 42; male and female, 

Jennings, T. 182 286; slaves, 288 

Jews, immigration of, to Rhode Lafayette 7 

Island, 69; petition General Land, system, of Newport, 58 

Assembly, 118; in Newport, at Providence, 60; division of, 

274; contractors in oil trust, 82; price per acre, 101 

329; purchasers of iron, 330 Landon, Daniel inventory of 162 

Jewelry, see inventories Land titles, disputes over 78, 98, 

Joanes, John, inventory of 109 102 

Johnson, Rev. Samuel 271 Law-suits 15, 106, 107, 108, 109, 

Jones, Dr. John, first physician 117, 118 

of Providence, 202 Lawton, George 55 

Joslin, Thomas and Hannah 113 Lee, Mrs. Anstis 305 

Joy, Moses 335 Lenthall, Robert, 59; public 

Judges, early, of Rhode Island school of, 60 

53, 116 Liberty, religious, 7, 41, 42; ad- 
Judicial system, organized in m it s Jews, 69; recognized in 
Rhode Island, 115; develop- ] aWj 174. new ideas of, 206 
ment of, 119 Liberty, soul-defined by Durfee, 

Jullien, John, inventory of 166 3. pus hed toward Anarchism 

in Rhode Island, 8; led by 

Keayne, Captain, Mrs. Shaw's Williams, 11; Rhode Island 

suit, against, 15 hampered in search after, 14; 

Kelly, Ann 169 at last established, 46; over- 

Kelton, Joseph, inventory of spr eads theocracy, 206 

~ 6 Liberty tree, dedicated by Jo- 

" Kernel of a State," William's seph 01ney> 333 

community in Rhode Island u of wffliam Harris> 

called 5; kept unimpaired 8 ' Qf John ^ 

Kmg, Amos inventory of 241 ^^ ^^ formedf 

-,"?, ^« PS 244 ? the R^wood, 270, 278; 

1-0, 136 of Trinit Church, 2'72; of 

Kingstown, ferry at, 137; popu- John Me / rett 377 . the first 

lation of, 191; taxes of, 309 ... „„ 

Kinnicut, Colonel Edward 234, T P" * ' _ , _ , _ 

ncn Liddeason, Job llo 
260 

Kinnicut, Roger 232 Lime ' made from stone and 

Kitchen utensils, see inventories shells, 87 

Knight, Madam, journeys on Linen, 57, 139; see also inven- 

horseback, 121, 138, 158; de- tories 

scribes a " Hutt," 144 Linen wheel 162 



373 



Index 



Lippetts, Ann 227 

Lippetts, Moses 113, 149, 153 
Liquor, sale of, 75; sale to In- 
dians forbidden, 76; sale of 
regulated by local authority, 
95 
Literary and Philosophical So- 
ciety, formed at Newport, 
270, 271 
Logwood 115 

Looms, see inventories 
London 6, 40, 66, 69, 103, 238 
Lottery, in Providence 226, 232, 

£'45, 335 
Lowell, James Russell 16 

Magistrates, in the colony 12, 

14, 15 
Magna Charter 7, 31 

Man, Thomas, legacies of 123 
Manchester, Captain Thomas, in- 
ventory of, 262 
Manhattan, trade with 65 

Manners, regulated by rule 85 
Manton, Edward, 121 ; inven- 
tory of, 216 
Manton, Shadrach 260 

Manufactures 189, 330 

Marbury, Anne, see Anne 

Hutchinson 
Marine Insurance 246, 262 

Marriage, banns of, 81 ; consent 
of parents to, 99; settlement 
of marital differences, 107, 
108; mixed, 310 
Marsh, Mary 213 

Martin, John, inventory of 326 
Mason, Major John 9, 78 

Mason, Jeremiah F. 324 

Mason, Noah 223 

Massachusetts, 1 ; contrasted 
with Rhode Island, 6, 25; ex- 
ists under royal charter, 12; 
organization of colony of, 15; 



early struggles in, 22, 23; 
sends armed force against 
Gorton, 38; Gorton's pamphlet 
against, 40; persecution of 
Quakers in, 67; boundaries 
between Rhode Island and, 71 ; 
disturbed by King Philip's 
War, 96, 97; arrests citizens 
of Rhode Island, 134 ; manu- 
factures of, compared with 
those of Rhode Island, 189 
Massachusetts Bay 33 

Mather, Cotton 13, 22, 80, 191, 

204, 220, 225 
Mawney, John, inventory of 258 
Mayhew, Jonathan 206 

Maze, William 181 

Medicine 202 

Merchants of Rhode Island 135, 
148, 194, 195, 223, 228, 233, 
246, 250, 263, 319, 324, 351 
Merrett, John, inventory of 326 
Miantonomi 28, 51, 92, 151 

Mill, John Smith's, 8, 41; town, 
42; sugar, 65; fulling, 139; 
wind, 178; saw, 194 
Milton, John 6 

Misquam'icut, see Westerly 
Molasses 186, 189, 221, 223, 276, 

320 
Money, Spanish, 123; " N. E. 
Coyne," 123; scarce, 182; pa- 
per, 186; 210, 237; value of 
Spanish milled dollars, 290; 
depreciation of Old Tenor, 
237, 238; values of "real," 
312, 314; depreciation of, af- 
ter Revolutionary War, 354, 
355 
Morris, Captain Richard 54 

Moshassuck River 28, 41, 42, 77, 

194 
Mott, Adam, 51; inventory of 
56 



Index 373 

Mourning rings 160 267; Literary and Philosophi- 

Mumford, Benjamin 310 cal Society founded at, 270; 

Mumford, John 267 exports to West Indies from, 

Mumford, Thomas 145 275; artists of distinction at, 

McSparran, Dr. James, 145, 147; 277; culture at, 270, 277, 278, 

diary of, 152, 153, 154, 155, 348; a port of entry, 325; 

156; death of, 160 effect of Revolutionary War 

Names, use of titles and 76, 310 ° n ' . T ,. 1Q . 

.. -o , t>\.„a» Niantic Indians 134 

Narragansett Bay, see Hlioae 

T , ° , J Nicholls, Andrew 284 

Island 

Narragansett Indians 28, 39, 97, 

J34, 285 Oil, spermaceti 316, 329, 335, 346 

Nash, Ebenezer 170 Old Tenor, see Money 

Negroes, population, 135, 151; Olney, Epenetus, inventory of 
prices of, 143; see also inven- 242 

tories Olney, Lieutenant James 213 

New England, origin and work- Olney, Jonathan 26# 

ings of democracy in, 6, 13; Olney, Joseph 332 

sources of Puritanism in, 16; Olney, Thomas Sr. 110, 116, 130, 
struggles in, 22; apprenticing 131, 194, 202, 214, 215; inven- 
in, 112; sheep in, 114; best tory of, 111 
cheese in, 152; living in Rhode Olney, Thomas Jr. 35, 81, 120, 
Island compared with other 136, 137 

communities in, 173; exten- Olney, Richard 324 

sion of commerce throughout, Onion, John 310 

180; distilling in, 189, 221; Osborn, N., inventory of 162 
prayer for well-being of, 205; Oxen 42, 80, 101 

public libraries in, 244; de- Palatine, legend of Dutch ship 
velopment in, 265 295 

New Englander, the, characteris- Palatine Light, scientifically de- 
tics of, 305 scribed, 2*94; tradition of, 295 
"New Lights" 288 Palfrey 12, 22 
Newport, settlement of, 57; po- Pamphlets 40, 90, 92, 255, 322 
litical ascendancy of, 58; Pasturage 36, 91, 152 
church fellowship gathered Patent, of Newport, 58; royal, 
at, 59; first school supported 69 

by taxation at, 60; commerce Patten, Mary, inventory of 344 
thrives at, 66, 189, 2'67; immi- Pawtuxet 37, 38 

gration of wealthy Jews to, "Pawtuxet purchase" 29, 37 
69, 274; Quakers at, 89; Peas 101, 102 

Roger Williams rows to, 90; Peage 51 

slavery a factor in commerce Peat, used for fuel 294 

of, 187, 188, 190; distilleries Peck, John 3#0 

at, 189; Berkeley arrives at, Peck, Jonathan 319 



374 Index 

Pequot Indians 28 43; first settlement at, 53; 

Pequot Path, The 133 records of, 54, 56, 57; prison 

Perry, Samuel, inventory of 141 ordered built at, 55; shipbuild- 
Pettaquamscutt 133, 146, 147, ing at, 65; first inn at, 95 

172, 298 Post, first public, 128; B. Frank- 

Pewter, 110, 235; see also inven- lin's, 246 

tories Potter, George 108 

Physician, the first 202 Potter, Ichabod 167 

Pigs, of iron 330 Potter, John, inventory of 313 

Pillion 121, 124, 161, 199 Potter, Rachel 108 

Pioneer, living described, 74; Potter, Captain Simeon 190 

interest attaches to, 195 Potter, William 215 

Pirates, fear of attacking com- Poultry 162 

merce, 55 ; " too kindly enter- Powder and shot 55 

tained in Rhode Island," 183 Power, Nicholas 41, 86, C J22, 316, 

Pitchwood, tar made from 100 317, 318 

Plantation, meaning of term, 36; Prey, i!phraim 99 

troubles of, 38; of Newport Price, Bridget 106 

established, 57; north and Prices, of land, cattle, commod- 
south, contrasted, 60; evolu- ities, etc., 75, 101, 102, 289, 
tion of, into community, 131 ; 290, 346 ; see also inventories ; 
of large land-holders exten- difficulty of adjusting, 237 
sive, 150 Primogeniture 185 

Planters, the 17, 29, 72 Prison, ordered built at Ports- 

Plymouth 28, 33, 36, 61, 180 mouth, 55; at Newport, 77; 

Point Judith 136, 151, 308 at Providence, 128, 219 

Politics, as developed by free- Privateers, 225, 227, 346; slave 
dom, 84, 85; controlled by trade of, 188, 189, 190, 276 
Quakers, 90; changes in, 116; Probate, customs peculiar 12*3 
described as seething, 2^4; af- Progress, slow in attaining to 
fects social movements, 333; wealth and culture, 11; steady 
after Revolutionary War, 353 in Rhode Island, 23; expands 
Poor, the, care of 107, 213, 289 settlements, 83 
Population increases, 41; char- Property, institutes are based 
acter of, 42, 180; continued on, 52 

growth of, 192, 219 Proprietors, 29, 32, 78; differ- 

Pork 101, 102 ences between free-holders and, 

Portage bill, of sloop Defiance 84 

335 Providence, brig 243, 251 

Portrait painting introduced by Providence, democracy of, estab- 

Smibert, 150 lished, 8; aims of settlers of, 

Ports of entry, 181; Newport a, described by Williams, 9; 

325 founding of, 28; proprietors 

Portsmouth, committee sent to, of, 29, 30, 32, 37, 79, 102, 119; 



Index 375 

" second comers " in, 30, 75 ; Punishments, 38, 55, 68 ; for im- 
division of lands in, 32, 35; morality, 99, 100; for debt, 
plantations at, 36, 79; First 117; for theft, 118; of slaves, 
Baptist Church in, 37; streets 153, 155 

laid out in, 41; Williams se- Puritanism, Connecticut an ex- 
cures charter for, 43; Code ample of, 16; defined, 19; 
of Laws made by General As- challenged by Antinomianism, 
sembly, 44; exiles from Bos- 47 
ton received at, 50; compact 

of, based on "civil things Quakers, 22; persecution of, 67; 
only," 31, 52; troubles at, 60; an important factor in pros- 
Dutch trade with, 66; historic perity of Rhode Island, 68; 
dwellings in, 73, 121; pioneer flock to Newport, 88; an in- 
living in, 74; ordinances of, fluence for good, 88; yearly 
75, 86, 95; taxation in, 77, 82, meetings of, 175; oppose slav- 
226, 308; "Initial Deeed " of, ery, 188 

78, 91 ; religious organization Quaker Meeting house, a, built 
at, 83; votes of free-holders, at Providence, 96; bequest for 
84; crude law-making at, 86; a, 242 
industries of, 87, 221, 222, 283, 

320, 330, 334, 337; Quaker Racing, horse 157, 307 

meeting house built at, 90; Randolph, John, of Roanoke 307 
Williams berates, 91; system Ransom, paid for William Har- 
of apprenticing in, 113, 214; ris, 103 

first schoolmaster of, 119; Rates, of taxation 75, 101, 102, 
ship-building at, 65, 122, 320; 103, 178, 182 
first public post at, 128; in- Ray, Simon, inventory of 169 
crease of commerce at, 130, Reynolds, Thomas, inventory of 
132, 316; exports from, 193, 163 

194, 209; religious denomina- Read, John, negro 224 

tions in, 204, 207; shipping in, Real estate, value of, 101, 217; 
210; paper currency in, 210; see also inventories 
bounty paid for wolves heads, Reed, Martin, " a remarkable 
212; prices of realty in, 217; man," 283 

lottery in, 232; streets of, sur- Reep, Samuel 109 

veyed, 265 ; slavery in, 319, 339 ; Redwood Library, the 147, 270, 
trade with West Indies, 319, 272, 273, 278 
321 ; opposes English govern- Reformation, the 10 

ment, 336; merchants of, 228, Rehoboth 129, 131, 194, 202 
250, 263, 320, 324, 330, 331, Religious meetings, 35; changes 
333, 335, 339, 346, 351 in, 204 

Providence Gazette, issued, 246; Reprisal, privateer sloop 226 
describes a whipping, 323; Rhoades, Mary, inventory of 2'42 
quoted from, 354 Rhoades, Zachary 99 



376 Index 

Rhode Island, 1 ; called kernel Rhode Island College 333 

of a state, 5; contrasted with Riehman, quoted 5, 10, 47, 59, 

Massachusetts and Connecti- 64, 72, 101, 104 

cut, 6, 25; practical democracy Richmond, Barzillai 262 

developed in, 11; noted for Ridge, Valentine 282 

individualities, 24; name of Right, Adam 178 

adopted, 58; trade With Con- Rings, mourning, 160; gold, 163; 

necticut, 66; religious freedom see also inventories 

decreed for, 70; boundaries Road, John, inventory of '25Q 

between Massachusetts, Con- Roades, Captain Joseph 221 

necticut' and, 71; significant Roberts, William 218 

dates in history of, 72 ; Robinson, Hannah, " the unfor- 

Quakers in, 88; disputes with tunate," 279, 280 

Connecticut, 94, 219; disturbed Robinson, Matthew 150 

by King Phillip's War, 96, Robinson, Rowland, 141; inven- 

97; exports from, 114, 176; tory of, 142; slaves of, 143; 

judicial system of, 115; Hu- dress of, 160, 2'79, 280 

guenots in, 137, 208; Church Robinson, Governor William, in- 

of England in, 138; agricul- ventory of, 171; slaves of, 173 

ture in, 152, 153; Irish in, 156, Rogers, Abigail, inventory of 350 

286; culture in, 158; comforts Rome, George 291, 292, 293, 329 ? 

of living increase in, 161, 253; 334 

slavery in, 173, 187, 189, 305, Rope walks, at Newport, 224; 

306; population of, 175, 180, primitive, 344 

185, 191, 194, 219, 226; adopts Rum 186, 188, 189, 190, 222, 

new colony seal, 180; com- 276, 316 

merce of, extends, 181, 186, Russell, Joseph and William 246 
201; privateering in, 183, 340; 

government of criticized, 184; Sabeere, Stephen 117 

first census of, 185; bills of Sabine, Thomas 32'4 

credit issued, 186 ; manuf ac- Sachems, The 3, 92, 133 

tures of compared with those Sairles, Edward and Ann 113 

of Massachusetts and Con- Salem 12 

necticut, 189; division of col- Salisbury, a port of entry, 181, 

ony, 191 ; aids in expedition 194 

against Louisbourg, 227; anec- Salisbury, Experience 242 

dotes of Rhode Island charac- Sanford, John 54 

ters, 303, 304, 305; college of, Sanford, Restand, inventory of 

founded, 333; General Assem- 176 

bly renounces allegiance to the Savage, quoted 14 

crown, 337; effect of Revolu- Say and Sele, Lord 14 

tionary War on, 345, 353, 354, Saybrook $0 

355, 356; summing up of place Sayings and idioms in Rhode 

of, in the Union, 359 Island, 303, 304, 305 



Index 377 

Sayles, John 113 Signatures, of men and women 

Scoakequanoisett, lime kiln at 127, 199, 217, 242 

87 Silk grass beds 122 
Schooners, Alexander and Mar- S-mons, Peter 2^0 
tha, 136; William, 339; Felic- Slander, action for 54, 106 
ity, 339 Slate Rock 28 
Scituate 229, 2.">0 Slaves, see Negroes 
Scogan's Jest Book SG Slavery, 114, 143, 173, 178; 
School, first supported by taxa- slave trade a factor in cona- 
tion, 60; parish attempted, merce, 87, 189, 190, 223; af- 
146; better public, 245; Mrs. fects life and conduct, 305 
Wilkinson's, at Newport, 348 Sloops, 210, Mary, 223; Tartar, 
Schoolmaster, first 119 227; Dolphin, 196, 201, 228, 
Scott, Edward -21 J 262; Mary Godfrey, Rainbow, 
Scott; Captain George 190 Pellican, Mary Gould, Shear- 
Scott, Richard 30, 35, 36 water, 228; Sally, 262, 339; 
Seaflower, brigantine 187 Charming Molly, Charles, 316; 
Seaver, Richard, inventory of Four Brothers, 317; George, 
350 320; Liberty, 334; Defiance, 
"Second comers" 4, 30, 31, 75, 335; Enterprise, Polly, 339; 
79 Banger, 340; Diamond, 340, 
Seekonk River 29, 36, 41, 211, 345 

234 Smibert, John 146, 150, 277 

Sermons 326 Smith's Castle 134, 149 

Sessions, Darius 227 Smith, Hesekiah, inventory of 

Sewall, Judge 188 255 

Sewall, Samuel 151 Smith, Ephraim, inventory of 

Shaw's, Mrs., suit against Cap- 143 

tain Keayne, 15 Smith, Joseph 109 

Shaw's Ford, see Westerly Smith, John, 8, 28, 41, 74; in- 

Shawomet, see Wanvick ventory of, 112, 166 

Sheep, 101, 114, 176; see also Smith, Richard, of Smith's Cas- 

inventories tie, 133, 134, 136, 156 

Sheldon, Pardon, inventory of Smuggling 181, 222 

240 Social life 144, 147, 158, 309 

Shepherd, Thomas 2 Society, established by Williams 

Sherman, Josiah, inventory of 5 

163 Soul-liberty, see Liberty 

Shipbuilding, 65, 114, 124, 136, Spinning 282, 283 

146; stimulates all industries, Spinning wheels, 126, 12*7, 140, 

194; method of payment for, 161; see also inventories 

320; continues, 358 Spinsters, under family control, 

Shipping 181, 210 98; inventory of a, 216 

Sibley, Abigail 100 Sponsors, called " gossips " 298 

Signs, swinging, 247; eccentric, Sprague, Bethiah, inventory of 

323, 324 257 



378 Index 

Sprague, Obadiah 332 Tefft, Elizabeth, inventory of 

Squirrels, premium offered for 168 

212 Tenor, old and new, 237, 238; 

Stage coach, runs to Boston 324 see also Money 

Stamp Act 331 Thacher, Peter, inventory of 253 

Standing Council, in Mass. Theocracy, Massachusetts, a, 1; 

created and abolished, 13, 14 root of system of, 2; Connecti- 

Stanton, Col. Joseph 151 cut a modified, 1, 19; type of, 

Staples, Judge, quoted 29, 44, contemplated at Aquidneck, 

86, 87, 119 52 

Starbuck, Christopher 346, 349 Thornton, Samuel, inventory of 

State house, in Providence, built 127 

247 Thornton, James 130 

Stocks 54, 118, 178 Throckmorton, John 35 

Stone ware, see inventories Thurston, Edward 56 

Straight, Henry, inventory of Tifft, Samuel, inventory of 161 

177 Tillinghast, Daniel 332 

Straus, quoted 5 Tillinghast, Mercy, inventory of 

Stuart, Gilbert 277, 310 258 

Succotash 155 Tillinghast, Nicholas 259 

Suffrage, restricted to married Tillinghast, Pardon, 41, 84, 117, 

men, 84 132, 176, 193, 194; inventory 

Sugar 115, 186, 189, 222 of, 199; church under, 204 

Sugar mills 65 Tillinghast, Captain William, 

Sutton, Bartholomew 343 inventory of, 2*54 

Swamp Fight, the 134 Titles, use of 221, 261, 310, 329 

Swanton, David, mariner 227 Tobacco, 101, 123, 152; ton of, 

Synod, at Cambridge 48 exported, 193; shipments of, 

210; a factor in West Indian 

Tanning 284 trade, 321 ; see also inventories 

Tar, made from pitchwood 100 Toleration, present conception 

Taulbary, John 171 of, compared with that of 

Taverns, 75; social functions of Williams' time, 2; religious, 

colonial, 95 ; famous, 219 ; li- decreed by King, 70 

censes of, 220 Toll Bridge, built at Weybossett 

Taxation, first for schools, 60; 88 

for bridge over Moshassuck, Tools 87, 123 

77; for bridge over Pawtuxet, Torrey, Rev. Joseph 313 

82; rates of, 101, 102; town Tower Hill, 158; shopping at, 

tax of Providence, 211; colony 287 

and town, 226, 309 Town clerk, 32; council, 128; 

Taylor, George 245 divisions, 148; "sarjant," 129, 

Taylor, Thomas, inventory of 212; treasurer, 30 

240 Town meetings, 8; first record 



Index 379 

of, 30; scope of, 30, 60; sale Vital statistics, record of, kept, 

of liquor to Indians prohibited 143, 182 

at, 76 

Town Mill, a club center, 42, Walker, Captain William 239 

73, 85; gatherings at, afford Walmsley, Thomas 310 

debate, 95, 112 Wampum 55 

Towne Street, 32, 34, 35, 41, Wanton, Governor 336, 337 

106, 109, 120, 130, 193, 219, Wanton, Captain William 269, 

232 270 

Trade, see Commerce War, King Philip's 91, 96, 111, 

Trades, 66, 87, 113; weaving as 120, 136 

a, 12'9; leather dressing as a, Ward, Governor Richard 186, 

178 224 

Training, 80; field, 129 Ward, Samuel #49, 334, 339 

Travel, on horseback, 121; by Warehouses 130 

boat, 122, 136; is difficult, 308; Warming pans, see inventories 

by stage coach, 324 Warner, John 214 

Trencher 74 Warner, Susannah 214 

Turpin, William, first schoolmas- Warner, William 76 

ter, 119, 219; inventory of, 125 Warwick, settled, 33, 37, 41, 43, 

Tutoring 158 72; disputes at, 93, 94; cattle 

at, 42; suffers from Indian 

Union, the 11, 24, 69, 249, 359 warfarej 98 . population of, 191 

Unthank, Christopher 41 Tir . , . . . „ 

_, ,., ' . . ^~ . , ,. n Watches, see inventories 

Updike, Captain Daniel 149 Wate Nath aniel 197 

IK ^ e ' Jfdowick 269 Watermanj Resolved 76 , 122 , 20 2 

Ustick, Thomas 347 Watfirm RicW 76> 123> 208j 
" Usurpation " the, of Codding- 

ton, 64, 65, 66, 106 , TT . . ,, Q 

TTi ' , . ~ - Waters, Anne 118 

Utensils, crude state of farm- , Tr .. , , „ -, 

' „ , , , , Watts, John 321 

ing, 42; see Household, and Tir T , •„„„„».„„„ „t ~\ii 

?' ' Wayte, Joseph, inventory of 177 

Kttchen Wearing apparel, 56, 57, 124, 

Value of estates, see inventories 166, 216, 243, 309; see also in- 

Vane, Sir Harry 6, 43, 44, 46, ventories 

47, 60, 67 Weaving 113, 129, 282 

Varnum, James Mitchell 333, Webb, George, inventory of 165 

335, 336 Weeden, John 355 

Vassall, William C J2 Welde, Joseph 44, 49, 50 

Vehicles 121 Wells, Joseph 136 

Verin, Joshua 28, 33, 34 Westcott, Josiah, inventory of 

Vessels, type of, built, 186, 195, 165 

210; Block Island, 293 Westcott, Prizilah 257 

Vileat, Mary 169 Westerly 134, 135, 136, 144, 249, 

Vincent, William, inventory of 296 

123 West Indies, the, 65, 101, 115; 



380 



W 



ex 



exports from Rhode Island to, 
152, 176, 181, 209; slave trade 
with, 187, 223; commerce 
with, 186, 187, 188, 193, 319, 
335; trade in tobacco with, 
321 
Weybosset 41, 88 

Whale oil 316, 329, 346 

Whaling 329, 334, 335 

Wharves, 190; first in Provi- 
dence, 176; town wharf in 
Providence, 139, 209 
Wheaton, Dr. Levi 296 

Wheelright, Rev. John 46 

Whipping, as a punishment, 118; 

of a convict, 323 
Whipple, Abraham 317, 332, 336 
Whipple, Eleazar 121 

Whipple, John, 74, 229; inven- 
tory of, 255 
Whipple, John Jr., 106, 107 

Whipple, Colonel Joseph 2'21 
Whipple, Samuel, 118; inventory 

of, 126 
Whitefield, George 153 

Wickes, Francis 28 

Wickenden, William 30 

Wickford 26, 88, 133, 134, 147 
Widows, remarriage of 123 

Wigs, see inventories 
Wightman, Valentine 123 

Wilkinson, Israel 330 

Wilkinson, Samuel 208, 229 

Wilkinson, William 208 

Wilkinson's, Mrs., school at 

Newport, 348 
Will, of Nicholas Power made 
at town meeting, 56; arrange- 
ments for spinsters in, 99; 
peculiar customs regarding, 
122 
Willey, Aaron C. 294 

Williams, Roger, 1, 2'; writes 
Governor Winthrop, 3, 4, 38, 
62; views of historians con- 



cerning, 5, 10, 26, 104; associ- 
ates in London, 6, 43; first 
apostle of religious liberty, 7; 
writes Major Mason defining 
liberty, 9; develops a democ- 
racy, 11; compared with 
Thomas Hooker, 21 ; charac- 
ter and principles of, 25, 26, 
27, 29, 52, 77, 184; founds 
Providence 28; conveys land 
to proprietors, 29; prepares a 
double subscription 30; de- 
scribes " peace," 32 ; influence 
of, 34, 42, 46, 70, 80, 85, 174, 
352, 360; religious meetings 
held in house of, 35, 74; bap- 
tism of, 36; secures charter 
for Providence, 43; receives 
exiles from Boston, 51 ; styled 
"time spirit," 59; comment of, 
on King's decree of religious 
liberty, 71; house of, 73; ap- 
pears as moderator at town 
meeting, 70; berates town of 
Providence, 77, 93 ; leads " sec- 
ond-comers," 78; weak points 
of, 79; a Seeker, 83, 89; "wit- 
nesses " against casting lots, 
87; rows to Newport, 90; 
cited In connection with lands 
for pasturage, 92, 103; death 
of, 112; one of the early 
judges of Rhode Island, 116; 
trading house built by, 133; 
preaches to Indians at Smith's 
Castle, 134 
Williams, Thomas 217 

Wilson, James, inventory of 139 
Windsor, Samuel 122 

Wine, Madeira 334 

Winthrop, Governor, Roger Wil- 
liams writes to, 3, 4, 38, 62; 
alluded to or quoted, 12, 13, 
14, 15, 24, 33, 36, 44, 46, 47, 
50, 58, 59 



Index 381 

Winthrop, John, the younger 69 Wool 101, 115, 282, 283 

Woddell, Gershom 177, 178 Woonasquetucket River 29, 32, 

Wolves heads, bounty paid for, 41 

130, 212 Wright, Samuel 200 
Women, employments of 127, 

286, 287 Young, Captain Archibald, in- 

Woodin, John 99 ventory of, 351 



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Colonial Families 

OF THE 

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Bearings of Colonial Families who settled in the 

American Colonies between the Periods 

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Jamestown, 13th May, 1607 

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